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@incollection{Blumenau2020a,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Blumenau, Jack and Damiani, Roberta},
	booktitle = {The Politics of Legislative Debates},
	date-added = {2021-10-08 11:11:49 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-10-08 11:11:49 +0100},
	editor = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc and Fernandes, Jorge M.},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Legislative Debates in the British House of Commons}},
	year = {2021}}

@article{lovenduski2003westminster,
	author = {Lovenduski, Joni and Norris, Pippa},
	date-added = {2021-06-14 12:12:03 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-14 12:12:03 +0100},
	journal = {Political studies},
	number = {1},
	pages = {84--102},
	publisher = {SAGE Publications Sage UK: London, England},
	title = {Westminster women: the politics of presence},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2003}}

@incollection{Franceschet2011,
	author = {Susan Franceschet},
	booktitle = {{Gender, Politics and Institutions: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism}},
	date-added = {2021-06-08 20:55:49 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:37:55 +0100},
	editor = {Krook, Mona Lena and Mackay, Fiona},
	pages = {58--78},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {Gendered Institutions and Women's Substantive Representation: Female Legislators in Argentina and Chile},
	year = {2011}}

@article{diekman2005dynamic,
	author = {Diekman, Amanda B and Eagly, Alice H. and Mladinic, Antonio and Ferreira, Maria Cristina},
	date-added = {2021-06-08 15:16:27 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:36:06 +0100},
	journal = {Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology},
	number = {2},
	pages = {209--226},
	publisher = {Sage Publications Sage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA},
	title = {Dynamic stereotypes about women and men in Latin America and the United States},
	volume = {36},
	year = {2005}}

@article{seguino2007pluscca,
	author = {Seguino, Stephanie},
	date-added = {2021-06-07 12:35:45 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-07 12:35:45 +0100},
	journal = {Feminist Economics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {1--28},
	publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
	title = {Plus{\c{C}}a Change? Evidence on global trends in gender norms and stereotypes},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2007}}

@article{twenge1997attitudes,
	author = {Twenge, Jean M},
	date-added = {2021-06-07 12:34:47 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-07 12:34:47 +0100},
	journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {35--51},
	publisher = {Wiley Online Library},
	title = {Attitudes toward women, 1970--1995: A meta-analysis},
	volume = {21},
	year = {1997}}

@book{inglehart2003rising,
	author = {Inglehart, Ronald and Norris, Pippa},
	date-added = {2021-06-07 12:34:08 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:39:01 +0100},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	series = {Cambridge},
	title = {Rising tide: Gender equality and cultural change around the world},
	year = {2003}}

@article{lovenduski2002feminizing,
	author = {Lovenduski, Joni},
	date-added = {2021-06-07 10:17:57 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-07 10:17:57 +0100},
	journal = {Women: a cultural review},
	number = {2},
	pages = {207--220},
	publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
	title = {Feminizing politics},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2002}}

@book{Dittmar2015a,
	address = {Philadelphia, US},
	author = {Dittmar, Kelly},
	date-added = {2021-05-27 15:04:02 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-05-27 15:04:02 +0100},
	publisher = {Temple University Press},
	title = {{Navigating Gendered Terrain: Stereotypes and Strategy in Political Campaigns}},
	year = {2015}}

@article{Dittmar2015,
	author = {Dittmar, Kelly},
	date-added = {2021-05-27 14:15:04 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-05-27 14:15:04 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X15000495},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/gendered{\_}styles/lit/encouragement-is-not-enough-addressing-social-and-structural-barriers-to-female-recruitment.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {4},
	pages = {759--765},
	title = {{Encouragement is not Enough: Addressing Social and Structural Barriers to Female Recruitment}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X15000495}}

@article{blei2006correlated,
	author = {Blei, David and Lafferty, John},
	date-added = {2021-05-25 14:54:16 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-05-25 14:54:16 +0100},
	journal = {Advances in neural information processing systems},
	pages = {147},
	publisher = {Citeseer},
	title = {Correlated topic models},
	volume = {18},
	year = {2006}}

@article{lamprinakou2017all,
	author = {Lamprinakou, Chrysa and Morucci, Marco and Campbell, Rosie and van Heerde-Hudson, Jennifer},
	date-added = {2021-05-21 10:23:00 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-05-21 10:23:00 +0100},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {2},
	pages = {207--232},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {All change in the house? The profile of candidates and MPs in the 2015 British general election},
	volume = {70},
	year = {2017}}

@article{Leaper2007,
	abstract = {Three separate sets of meta-analyses were conducted of studies testing for gender differences in adults' talkativeness, affiliative speech, and assertive speech. Across independent samples, statistically significant but negligible average effects sizes were obtained with all three language constructs: Contrary to the prediction, men were more talkative (d = --.14) than were women. As expected, men used more assertive speech (d = .09), whereas women used more affiliative speech (d = .12). In addition, 17 moderator variables were tested that included aspects of the interactive context (e.g., familiarity, gender composition, activity), measurement qualities (e.g., operational definition, observation length), and publication characteristics (e.g., author gender, publication source). Depending on particular moderators, more meaningful effect sizes (d {\textgreater} .2) occurred for each language construct. In addition, the direction of some gender differences was significantly reversed under particular conditions. The results are interpreted in relation to social-constructionist, socialization, and biological interpretations of genderrelated variations in social behavior.},
	author = {Leaper, Campbell and Ayres, Melanie M},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:55:21 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:55:21 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1088868307302221},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leaper, Ayres - 2007 - A Meta-Analytic Review of Gender Variations in Adults' Language Use Talkativeness, Affiliative Speech, and Assert.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {328--363},
	title = {{A Meta-Analytic Review of Gender Variations in Adults' Language Use: Talkativeness, Affiliative Speech, and Assertive Speech}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1088868307302221}}

@techreport{IPU2018,
	abstract = {Acknowledgements We would like to thank the staff of each Administration who supported the audit through data collection on specialist areas, and the British Group Inter-Parliamentary Union for its support throughout the process.},
	author = {IPU},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:55:05 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:55:05 +0100},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/IPU - 2018 - UK Gender-Sensitive Parliament Audit 2018.pdf:pdf},
	institution = {Inter-Parliamentary Union},
	pages = {1--48},
	title = {{UK Gender-Sensitive Parliament Audit 2018}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Holman2011,
	author = {Holman, Mirya R and Merolla, Jennifer L and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:54:47 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:54:47 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2011.589283},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holman, Merolla, Zechmeister - 2011 - Sex, Stereotypes, and Security A Study of the Effects of Terrorist Threat on Assessments of Female.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1554-4788},
	journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
	number = {3},
	pages = {173--192},
	title = {{Sex, Stereotypes, and Security: A Study of the Effects of Terrorist Threat on Assessments of Female Leadership}},
	volume = {32},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2011.589283}}

@article{Erikson2020,
	abstract = {This introduction to the Special Section 'Parliaments as workplaces: gendered approaches to the study of legislatures' makes the case for revisiting the conditions under which male and female Members of Parliament (MPs) and staff carry out their parliamentary duties, thereby furthering the understanding of parlia-ments' inner workings. It shows that adopting a workplace perspective grounded on feminist institutionalist analyses and gender organisational studies opens up new avenues for studying parliaments and the outcomes of political representation. The article then outlines how contributors to this Special Section deal with various aspects of the parliamentary workplace and concludes by highlighting the wider implications of this perspective for examining crucial questions of the parliamentary studies research agenda.},
	author = {Erikson, Josefina and Verge, T{\`{a}}nia},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:54:23 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:54:23 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsaa048},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Erikson, Verge - 2000 - Gender, Power and Privilege in the Parliamentary Workplace.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	keywords = {Feminist Institutionalism,Gender,Informal Rules,Parliaments,Power,Workplace perspective},
	pages = {1--19},
	title = {{Gender, Power and Privilege in the Parliamentary Workplace}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa048}}

@article{Ditonto2019,
	abstract = {This paper examines the effects of gender-based prejudice on candidate evaluation and voting behavior. It uses a unique experimental design to test for direct effects of sexism on candidate evaluation and voting behavior, as well as indirect effects of sexism on these variables via the information that subjects seek out about women candidates. I find that subjects with higher scores on items measuring modern sexism are less likely to vote for female candidates, less likely to vote ``correctly{\{}''{\}} when their preferences most closely align with a female candidate, and rate female candidates more negatively than their male counterparts. I also find that subjects high in sexism search for less information about women candidates and that less information search also leads to lower feeling thermometer ratings, a lower likelihood of voting for women candidates, and a lower likelihood of casting a ``correct{\{}''{\}} vote for a woman. In sum, sexism has both direct and indirect effects on subjects' voting behavior.},
	author = {Ditonto, Tessa},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:53:53 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:53:53 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/21565503.2019.1632065},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/Direct and indirect effects of prejudice sexism information and voting behavior in political campaigns.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {2156-5503},
	journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
	keywords = {Sexism,candidate evaluation,experiments,prejudice,voting},
	number = {3},
	pages = {590--609},
	publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
	title = {{Direct and indirect effects of prejudice: sexism, information, and voting behavior in political campaigns}},
	volume = {7},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2019.1632065}}

@article{Dahlerup2006,
	abstract = {The theory of a ``critical mass'' seems to live a life of its own, in spite of reservations expressed by researchers, my own reservations included. In debates about women's political representation, the importance of a certain number or percentage of women in political assemblies is often stressed. According to conventional wisdom, research has shown that it takes a certain minimum representation, for example, 30{\%}, before the minority, here women, are able to make a substantial difference in politics.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Article suggests thinking about six different angles to how women might change politics: 1) changes in the reaction to women politicians; 2) changes in the performance and efficiency of women politicians; 3) changes in the social climate of political life (the political culture); 4) changes in the political discourse; 5) changes of policy (the political decisions); 6) increase in the power of women (the empowerment of women) 
{\textperiodcentered}      The politics as a workplace perspective (points 2-4) was less developed prior to the 1980s because focus had been on policy change (point 5) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Key point: the importance of the relative number of women seems to vary depending on the chosen perspective 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Only when it comes to changes in the social climate of the political institutions (point 3), one can expect ``a kind of `automatic' change when the minority grows large.'' -- this is crucial for my work 
{\textperiodcentered}      Critical mass is used by female politicians and feminist activists to encourage the idea that it is necessary for there to be more women in parliament -- e.g. also those who advocate for the use of electoral gender quotas 
{\textperiodcentered}      Critical mass concept is closely related to whether women in politics will `make a difference'. In general, the concept of `making a difference' is a very diffuse concept -- e.g. feminist issues, gendered issues, accountability to women, women's political effectiveness, feminising politics etc. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``It is often an underlying assumption in empirical studies that female politicians have proven to make a difference in politics, if the researcher is able to identify some difference between women and men (for instance, differences in attitudes, issue priorities, the number of petitions on certain subjects, the way of speaking in politics, and contacts with women's organizations).'' -- HOWEVER this research has in general been able to show various differences, however ``making a difference is not the same as staying different'' (p. 518) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Dahlerup's point: more specific, empirical-based research about the importance of the size of the minority under different conditions is needed 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``It seems crucial to make a distinction between the following two research questions: First, does the proportion of women in political institutions make a difference for the content of the political decisions---the policy outcome perspective; and, second, does the proportion of women in political institutions make a difference for the possibility that female MPs will perform as representatives the way they want---the politics as a workplace perspective?'' (p. 519) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: numbers interrelate with a large number of other factors. E.g. a small group may want to make a big change -- isolating the effect of sheer numbers is almost impossible},
	author = {Dahlerup, Drude},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:53:24 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:53:24 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X06061149},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dahlerup - 2006 - The Story of the Theory of Critical Mass.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {4},
	pages = {511--522},
	title = {{The Story of the Theory of Critical Mass}},
	volume = {2},
	year = {2006},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X06061149}}

@article{Bauer2015a,
	author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:52:59 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:52:59 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/21565503.2014.992794},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2015 - Who stereotypes female candidates Identifying individual differences in feminine stereotype reliance.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {2156-5511},
	journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
	keywords = {female candidates,gender stereotypes,representation,vote choice},
	number = {1},
	pages = {94--110},
	title = {{Who stereotypes female candidates? Identifying individual differences in feminine stereotype reliance}},
	volume = {3},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2014.992794}}

@article{Rice2019,
	abstract = {Contemporary dictionary-based approaches to sentiment analysis exhibit serious validity problems when applied to specialized vocabularies, but human-coded dictio-naries for such applications are often labor-intensive and inefficient to develop. We develop a class of " minimally-supervised " approaches for the creation of a sentiment dictionary from a corpus of text drawn from a specialized vocabulary. We demon-strate the validity of this approach through comparison to a well-known standard (nonspecialized) sentiment dictionary, and show its usefulness in an application to the specialized language used in U.S. federal appellate court decisions.},
	annote = {Look at this again if I decided to take a sentiment analysis approach},
	author = {Rice, Douglas R. and Zorn, Christopher},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:43:52 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:43:52 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/psrm.2019.10},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rice, Zorn - 2019 - Corpus-based dictionaries for sentiment analysis of specialized vocabularies(3).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
	keywords = {text and content analysis},
	number = {1},
	pages = {20--35},
	title = {{Corpus-based dictionaries for sentiment analysis of specialized vocabularies}},
	volume = {9},
	year = {2021},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.10}}

@article{Hargrave2020,
	author = {Hargrave, Lotte and Langengen, Tone},
	date-added = {2021-04-22 11:27:01 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-22 11:27:01 +0100},
	doi = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X20000100},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hargrave, Langengen - 2020 - The Gendered Debate Do Men and Women Communicate Differently in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	pages = {1--27},
	title = {{The Gendered Debate: Do Men and Women Communicate Differently in the House of Commons?}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X20000100}}

@article{Schwarz2020,
	abstract = {Candidate choice survey experiments in the form of conjoint or vignette experi-ments have become a standard part of the political science toolkit for understanding voters' multidimensional preferences over candidates. These experiments have been used to study many candidate attributes, such as policy position, race, age, political or career experience, attractiveness, and political party. By our count, the most com-mon attribute studied in these experiments is candidate gender. We collect 30 such experiments and reanalyze them using a standardized statistical approach. Holding other candidate features fixed by design, female candidates are on average preferred by respondents by approximately 2 percentage points. We further investigate how this preference varies with respondent gender and partisanship and other candidate characteristics. We find limited evidence of heteogeneity, though the female preference appears to be somewhat smaller for black (versus white) candidates and among Re-publican (versus Democratic) respondents. We conclude by attempting to reconcile the disjunction between the unambiguous survey experimental results and the drastic underprovision of female elected representatives.},
	author = {Schwarz, Susanne and Coppock, Alexander},
	date-added = {2021-04-20 15:20:50 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-05-20 12:07:20 +0100},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwarz, Coppock - 2020 - What Have We Learned About Gender From Candidate Choice Experiments A Meta-analysis of 30 Factorial Survey Exp.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	publisher = {Forthcoming},
	title = {{What Have We Learned About Gender From Candidate Choice Experiments? A Meta-analysis of 30 Factorial Survey Experiments}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://alexandercoppock.com/papers/SHC%7B%5C_%7Dgender.pdf}}

@article{Campbell2015a,
	abstract = {The notion that voters are demanding ever more constituency activity from their MPs is now a widely-accepted tenet of British politics. There is a great deal of survey work demonstrating that voters place a high priority on constituency connections of all kinds, but we know less about how voters' priorities compare with MPs' ranking of constituency work against competing aspects of their role. In this article we compare matched surveys of voters and MPs and establish that there is less difference between the priorities they give to constituency versus other activity than we might expect.},
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Lovenduski, Joni},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 13:40:54 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 13:40:54 +0100},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsu020},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Lovenduski - 2015 - What Should MPs Do Public and Parliamentarians' Views Compared.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14602482},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {4},
	pages = {690--708},
	title = {{What Should MPs Do? Public and Parliamentarians' Views Compared}},
	volume = {68},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsu020}}

@article{Norris1997,
	abstract = {British legislators face overloaded schedules with conflicting priorities: the puzzle is to explain why they devote so much of their time to constituency service. This paper aims to compare the incentives facing members due to their career structures, role orientations, social backgrounds and constituency demands. This paper re-examines these explanations based on the British Candidate Survey and personal interviews with MPs in the 1992 British general election. {\textcopyright} 1997, Taylor {\&} Francis Group, LLC.},
	author = {Norris, Pippa},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:04:26 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 12:04:26 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/13572339708420508},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Norris - 1997 - The puzzle of constituency service.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439337},
	journal = {Journal of Legislative Studies},
	number = {2},
	pages = {29--49},
	title = {{The puzzle of constituency service}},
	volume = {3},
	year = {1997},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13572339708420508}}

@article{Sallberg2020,
	author = {S{\"{a}}llberg, Yohanna and Hansen, Martin Ejnar},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:04:00 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 16:17:30 +0100},
	doi = {10.1080/00344893.2019.1682648},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/S{\"{a}}llberg, Hansen - 2019 - Analysing the Importance of Localness for MP Campaigning and Legislative Performance.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1749-4001},
	journal = {Representation},
	number = {2},
	pages = {215--227},
	title = {{Analysing the Importance of Localness for MP Campaigning and Legislative Performance}},
	volume = {56},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rrep20},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2019.1682648}}

@article{Vivyan2015,
	abstract = {This article summarises the findings from a study of what constituents want from their local Member of Parliament. We make use of a survey technique known as conjoint analysis, wherein we present a national sample of British voters with profiles of hypothetical MPs who vary randomly in their characteristics, activities and behaviour. We find that voters like MPs who are independent from the party line and who do not focus exclusively on national policy work. MPs' gender and experience matter far less to constituents. Overall, voters want a Parliament made up of strong-minded MPs who see their role as that of a constituency representative. This has important implications for parliamentary democracy in Britain.},
	author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:03:54 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 12:03:54 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12128},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vivyan, Wagner - 2015 - What do voters want from their local MP.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1467923X},
	journal = {Political Quarterly},
	keywords = {Constituency service,Members of Parliament,Rebellion,Representation,Survey experiments},
	number = {1},
	pages = {33--40},
	title = {{What do voters want from their local MP?}},
	volume = {86},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12128}}

@article{Vivyan2016,
	abstract = {In many political systems legislators face a fundamental trade-off between allocating effort to constituency service and to national policy-making activities, respectively. How do voters want their elected representatives to solve this trade-off? This article provides new insights into this question by developing a conjoint analysis approach to estimating voters' preferences over their legislator's effort allocation. This approach is applied in Britain, where it is found that effort allocation has a significant effect on voter evaluations of legislators, even in a political system where other legislator attributes - in particular, party affiliation - might be expected to predominate. This effect is nonlinear, with voters generally preferring a moderate balance of constituency and national policy work. Preferences over legislator effort allocation are not well-explained by self-interest or more broadly by instrumental considerations. They are, however, associated with voters' local-cosmopolitan orientation, suggesting that heuristic reasoning based on underlying social dispositions may be more important in determining preferences over representative activities.},
	author = {Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:03:54 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 12:03:54 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12119},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vivyan, Wagner - 2016 - House or home Constituent preferences over legislator effort allocation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14756765},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	keywords = {Conjoint analysis,Constituency service,Effort allocation,Home styles,Instrumental reasoning},
	number = {1},
	pages = {81--99},
	title = {{House or home? Constituent preferences over legislator effort allocation}},
	volume = {55},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12119}}

@book{Searing1994,
	address = {Massachusetts, US},
	author = {Searing, Donald D.},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:03:35 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 12:03:35 +0100},
	publisher = {Harvard University Press},
	title = {{Westminster's World: Understanding Political Roles}},
	year = {1994}}

@book{Norton1993,
	address = {Lexington, Kentucky},
	author = {Norton, Philip and Wood, David M.},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:03:28 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 12:03:28 +0100},
	publisher = {University Press of Kentucky},
	title = {{Back from Westminster: British Members of Parliament and Their Constituents}},
	year = {1993}}

@book{Loewenberg1988,
	address = {London},
	author = {Loewenberg, Gerhard and Patterson, Samuel C.},
	date-added = {2021-04-19 12:03:21 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-19 12:03:21 +0100},
	publisher = {University Press of America},
	title = {{Comparing Legislatures}},
	year = {1988}}

@misc{Smethers2020,
	author = {Smethers, Sam},
	booktitle = {The Telegraph},
	date-added = {2021-04-16 16:37:50 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-16 16:37:50 +0100},
	title = {{Victory! How I fought to get maternity leave for female MPs}},
	url = {https://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/politics/victory-fought-get-maternity-leave-female-mps/},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/politics/victory-fought-get-maternity-leave-female-mps/}}

@article{Blumenau2019b,
	abstract = {Do female leaders amplify the voices of other women in politics? I address this question by examining parliamentary debates in the UK House of Commons. In the context of a difference-indifferences design which makes use of overtime variation in the gender of cabinet ministers, I demonstrate that female ministers substantially increase the participation of other female MPs in relevant debates, compared to when the minister is male. Further, using a measure of debate influence based on the degree to which words used by one legislator are adopted by other members, I show that female ministers also increase the influence of female backbenchers. To explore the mechanisms behind these results, I introduce a new metric of ministerial responsiveness and show that female ministers are significantly more responsive to the speeches of female backbenchers than are male ministers.},
	author = {Blumenau, Jack},
	date-added = {2021-04-16 11:07:22 +0100},
	date-modified = {2021-04-16 11:07:22 +0100},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123419000334},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blumenau - 2019 - The Effects of Female Leadership on Women's Voice in Political Debate.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {750--771},
	title = {{The Effects of Female Leadership on Women's Voice in Political Debate}},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2021},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123419000334}}

@article{Bailer2021,
	author = {Bailer, Stefanie and Breunig, Christian and Giger, Nathalie and W{\"{u}}st, Andreas},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 15:18:58 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 15:18:58 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123420000642},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/PhD/topic{\_}paper/lit/the-diminishing-value-of-representing-the-disadvantaged-between-group-representation-and-individual-career-paths.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	keywords = {2012,bartels 2009,carnes 2013,descriptive representation,for example,german bundestag,gilens,growing evidence of unequal,hacker and pierson 2010,how representative democracy,minority representatives,of disadvantaged groups 1,one particular concern is,raises important questions about,representation,substantive representation,that sparse descriptive representation,works},
	pages = {1--18},
	title = {{The Diminishing Value of Minority Representation: Between Group Representation and Individual Career Paths}},
	year = {2021},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123420000642}}

@article{Sayer2004,
	abstract = {In this study, time diary data are used to assess trends in mothers' and fathers' child care time from the mid-1960s to the late 1990s. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the results indicate that both mothers and fathers report spending greater amounts of time in child care activities in the late 1990s than in the "family-oriented" 1960s. For mothers, there was a 1965-75 decline in routine child care time and then a 1975-98 rebound along with a steady increase in time doing more developmental activities. For 1998 fathers report increased participation in routine child care as well as in more "fun" activities. The ratio of married mothers' to married fathers' time in child care declined in all primary child care activities. These results suggest that parents have undergone a behavioral change that has more than countered family change that might otherwise have reduced time with children.},
	author = {Sayer, Liana C. and Bianchi, Suzanne M. and Robinson, John P.},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:39:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:39:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1086/386270},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/386270.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00029602},
	journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--43},
	title = {{Are parents investing less in children? Trends in mothers' and fathers' time with children}},
	volume = {110},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/386270}}

@article{Wilde2005,
	abstract = {This study examined cross-cultural similarities and differences in beliefs about men and women of the past, present, and future. These dynamic stereotypes, or beliefs that a groups present characteristics differ from its past or future characteristics, correspond to the actual role change experienced by the group (Diekman {\&} Eagly, 2000). Participants in Germany and the United States perceived that women were increasing in their masculine characteristics from the past to the future, whereas they perceived comparatively more stability in men's characteristics. The largest cross-cultural difference stemmed from beliefs about 1950s women, who were perceived as possessing greater positive masculine personality, negative feminine personality, and less feminine physical traits in Germany than in the United States. This greater nontraditionalism of postwar German women reflects their assumption of stereotypically male-dominated roles immediately after World War II. Consistent with social role theory, perceived role nontraditionalism mediated the relationship between time period and levels of gender-stereotypic characteristics. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2005 Division 35, American Psychological Association.},
	author = {Wilde, Annett and Diekman, Amanda B.},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:26:28 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:26:28 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1471-6402.2005.00181.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/j.1471-6402.2005.00181.x.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {03616843},
	journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
	number = {2},
	pages = {188--196},
	title = {{Cross-cultural similarities and differences in dynamic stereotypes: A comparison between germany and the united states}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2005},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2005.00181.x}}

@article{Deming2017,
	abstract = {The labor market increasingly rewards social skills. Between 1980 and 2012, jobs requiring high levels of social interaction grew by nearly 12 percentage points as a share of the U.S. labor force. Math-intensive but less social jobs-including many STEM occupations-shrank by 3.3 percentage points over the same period. Employment and wage growth were particularly strong for jobs requiring high levels of both math skill and social skills. To understand these patterns, I develop a model of team production where workers "trade tasks" to exploit their comparative advantage. In the model, social skills reduce coordination costs, allowing workers to specialize and work together more efficiently. The model generates predictions about sorting and the relative returns to skill across occupations, which I investigate using data from the NLSY79 and the NLSY97. Using a comparable set of skill measures and covariates across survey waves, I find that the labor market return to social skills was much greater in the 2000s than in the mid-1980s and 1990s.},
	author = {Deming, David J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:26:19 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:26:19 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/qje/qjx022},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/qjx022.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15314650},
	journal = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1593--1640},
	title = {{The growing importance of social skills in the labor market}},
	volume = {132},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjx022}}

@article{Smits2011,
	abstract = {The notion of personality traits implies a certain degree of stability in the life span of an individual. But what about generational effects? Are there generational changes in the distribution or structure of personality traits? This article examines cohort changes on the Big Five personality factors Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Neuroticism, and Openness to Experience, among first-year psychology students in the Netherlands, ages 18 to 25 years, between 1982 and 2007. Because measurement invariance of a personality test is essential for a sound interpretation of cohort differences in personality, we first assessed measurement invariance with respect to cohort for males and females separately on the Big Five personality factors, as measured by the Dutch instrument Five Personality Factors Test. Results identified 11 (females) and 2 (males) biased items with respect to cohort, out of a total of 70 items. Analyzing the unbiased items, results indicated small linear increases over time in Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness and small linear decreases over time in Neuroticism. No clear patterns were found on the Openness to Experience factor. Secondary analyses on students from 1971 to 2007 of females and males of different ages together revealed linear trends comparable to those in the main analyses among young adults between 1982 onward. The results imply that the broad sociocultural context may affect personality factors. {\textcopyright} 2011 American Psychological Association.},
	author = {Smits, Iris A.M. and Dolan, Conor V. and Vorst, Harrie C.M. and Wicherts, Jelte M. and Timmerman, Marieke E.},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:25:01 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:25:01 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/a0022874},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/2011-08639-001.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00223514},
	journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
	keywords = {Big Five personality factors,Cohort,Measurement invariance},
	number = {6},
	pages = {1124--1138},
	pmid = {21534699},
	title = {{Cohort differences in big five personality factors over a period of 25 years}},
	volume = {100},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022874}}

@article{Twenge2012,
	abstract = {Compared to previous generations, more American college students now rate themselves as above average on attributes such as academic ability, drive to achieve, leadership ability, public speaking ability, self-confidence, and writing ability (based on a nationally representative sample collected 1966-2009; N = 6.5 million). These birth cohort differences are similar with controls for race and gender and occurred despite the college population becoming less selective. Trends in positive self-views are correlated with grade inflation (which increased d = 0.81), but are not explained by changes in objective performance (e.g., SAT scores have declined, d = -0.22) or effort (time spent studying is down, d = - 0.31). Broad cultural shifts emphasizing positive self-views have apparently resulted in enhanced self-evaluations on agentic domains. Self-evaluations on communal attributes, such as understanding others, cooperativeness, and spirituality, either decreased or were unchanged. {\textcopyright} 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
	author = {Twenge, Jean M. and Campbell, W. Keith and Gentile, Brittany},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:24:55 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:24:55 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/15298868.2011.576820},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/Generational Increases in Agentic Self evaluations among American College Students 1966 2009.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15298868},
	journal = {Self and Identity},
	keywords = {Above-average effect,Birth cohort,Generation,Self-evaluations},
	number = {4},
	pages = {409--427},
	title = {{Generational Increases in Agentic Self-evaluations among American College Students, 1966-2009}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/15298868.2011.576820}}

@book{Eagly2007,
	address = {Boston},
	author = {Eagly, Alice and Carli, Linda L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:24:44 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:24:44 +0000},
	publisher = {Harvard Business Review},
	title = {{Through the Labyrinth: The Truth about How Women Become Leaders}},
	year = {2007}}

@article{Garcia-Retamero2011,
	abstract = {Recent studies on the malleability of gender stereotypes show that they are flexible, dynamic structures that change with the passage of time. In a study, we examined perceptions about men and women of the past, present, and future in Spain and focused on the influence of an important demographic variable on these perceptions: the population size of people's location of residence. Results showed that people perceived an increase in similarity of men and women from the past to the present and from the present to the future. In less-populated locations, however, men and women were more gender stereotyped and, consequently, still perceived to be further from equality than those in more populated areas. We concluded that the study of dynamic gender stereotypes benefits from extensive research in populations that vary in their demographic characteristics and shows the importance of recent movements in rural areas supporting women's participation in the modernization process. Copyright {\textcopyright} Taylor {\&} Francis Group, LLC.},
	author = {Garcia-Retamero, Rocio and M{\"{u}}ller, Stephanie M. and L{\'{o}}pez-Zafra, Esther},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:09:28 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:09:28 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/00224545.2010.522616},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/The Malleability of Gender Stereotypes Influence of Population Size on Perceptions of Men and Women in the Past Present and Future.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00224545},
	journal = {Journal of Social Psychology},
	keywords = {gender differences,gender-role attitudes,stereotype change,stereotypes},
	number = {5},
	pages = {635--656},
	pmid = {22017078},
	title = {{The malleability of gender stereotypes: Influence of population size on perceptions of men and women in the past, present, and future}},
	volume = {151},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00224545.2010.522616}}

@article{Shorrocks2018,
	abstract = {This article tests novel hypotheses regarding cohort trends in gender-role attitudes in European countries. The second-wave feminist movement in Western and Southern Europe is found to be an important socialization experience leading the generation who came of age during this period to be unusually feminist given their low levels of education, female labor force participation, and secularism compared with younger cohorts. The feminist movement was especially influential for attitudes toward the trade-off between women's employment and family life. The feminist generation is not found in Eastern Europe, which did not experience the same second-wave feminist movement and its subsequent diversification and backlash. In addition, cohort change tends to be stronger for women, widening the gender gap in gender-egalitarianism across cohorts.},
	author = {Shorrocks, Rosalind},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:09:18 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:09:18 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edw028},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/edw028.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14716909},
	journal = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
	number = {1},
	pages = {125--145},
	title = {{A Feminist Generation? Cohort Change in Gender-Role Attitudes and the Second-Wave Feminist Movement}},
	volume = {30},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edw028}}

@article{Bosak2011,
	abstract = {People tend to have similar beliefs about leaders and men but dissimilar beliefs about leaders and women. A decrease in this perceived incongruity between beliefs about women and leaders might follow from perceived changes in either or both of these stereotypes. In two experiments we investigated the dynamics of this stereotype incongruity by examining cross-temporal perceptions of change in women's roles and leadership demands. In Experiment 1, participants judged a target group (leaders, men, or women) in a specified year in the past, the present and the future with regard to gender-stereotypic traits. In Experiment 2, participants evaluated the same target groups in a future society in which the role distribution between the sexes was described as traditional, same-as-today, or equal. Altogether our findings indicate that the perceived incongruity between the leader stereotype and the female stereotype is a dynamic phenomenon. Participants' beliefs indicated erosion of the perceived incongruity between leaders and women because of a perceived change in women's roles. We discuss the implications of these beliefs for future social change. {\textcopyright} 2011 The Author(s). British Journal of Management {\textcopyright} 2011 British Academy of Management.},
	author = {Bosak, Janine and Sczesny, Sabine},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:09:10 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:09:10 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-8551.2010.00731.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/j.1467-8551.2010.00731.x.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10453172},
	journal = {British Journal of Management},
	number = {2},
	pages = {254--269},
	title = {{Exploring the dynamics of incongruent beliefs about women and leaders}},
	volume = {22},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8551.2010.00731.x}}

@article{Diekman2000a,
	abstract = {Dynamic stereotypes characterize social groups that are thought to have changed from the attributes they manifested in the past and even to continue to change in the future. According to social role theory's assumption that the role behavior of group members shapes their stereotype, groups should have dynamic stereotypes to the extent that their typical social roles are perceived to change over time. Applied to men and women, this theory makes two predictions about perceived change: (a) perceivers should think that sex differences are eroding because of increasing similarity of the roles of men and women and (b) the female stereotype should be particularly dynamic because of greater change in the roles of women than of men. This theory was tested and confirmed in five experiments that examined perceptions of the roles and the personality, cognitive, and physical attributes of men and women of the past, present, and future.},
	author = {Diekman, Amanda B. and Eagly, Alice H.},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 14:08:37 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 14:08:37 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0146167200262001},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Diekman, Eagly - 2000 - Stereotypes as Dynamic Constructs Women and Men of the Past, Present, and Future(2).pdf:pdf;::},
	issn = {01461672},
	journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
	number = {10},
	pages = {1171--1188},
	title = {{Stereotypes as dynamic constructs: Women and men of the past, present, and future}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {2000},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167200262001}}

@article{Ziv1977,
	abstract = {A universal algorithm for sequential data compression is presented. Its performance is investigated with respect to a nonprobabilistic model of constrained sources. The compression ratio achieved by the proposed universal code uniformly approaches the lower bounds on the compression ratios attainable by block-to-variable codes and variable-to-block codes designed to match a completely specified source. {\textcopyright} 1977, IEEE. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Ziv, Jacob and Lempel, Abraham},
	date-added = {2021-03-19 12:15:37 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-19 12:15:37 +0000},
	file = {:Users/uctqebl/Downloads/01055714.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15579654},
	journal = {IEEE Transactions on Information Theory},
	number = {3},
	pages = {337--343},
	title = {{A Universal Algorithm for Sequential Data Compression}},
	volume = {23},
	year = {1977}}

@article{Georgellis2016,
	abstract = {Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the big-five personality traits and employees' chances to become managers, paying particular attention to gender and sector differences. Design/methodology/approach -- Using longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey, covering the period 1991-2008, the authors estimate multivariate logistic regression models for the propensity of individuals to take up a managerial role. Findings -- The findings confirm that Extraversion, Openness, and Conscientiousness are generally positively associated with the propensity of individuals to become managers. In contrast, Agreeableness and Neuroticism exert a negative influence. However, these associations are moderated by gender and they are contingent upon the specific contextual settings of sectors across the economy. Practical implications -- The study has practical implications for the design and implementation of well-targeted selection, recruitment, and career coaching strategies, which aim at matching individuals with specific personality traits to specific leadership/managerial roles. Originality/value -- While the link between personality and leadership has been extensively researched, this study provides some of the first contextual evidence on whether personality can explain the gender gap in managerial roles across different sectors.},
	author = {Georgellis, Yannis and Sankae, Nopdol},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:08:19 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:08:19 +0000},
	doi = {10.1108/EBHRM-05-2015-0015},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/10-1108{\_}EBHRM-05-2015-0015.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0520150015},
	issn = {20493991},
	journal = {Evidence-based HRM},
	keywords = {Careers,Five-factor model,Gender,Leadership,Manager,Personality},
	number = {1},
	pages = {67--80},
	title = {{The personality of managers in Britain: gender and sector differences}},
	volume = {4},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1108/EBHRM-05-2015-0015}}

@article{Diekman2006,
	abstract = {Role congruity theory (e.g., Kagly {\&} Diekman, 2005) posits that a group will be positively evaluated when its characteristics are perceived to align with the requirements of the group's typical social roles. Social roles may thus form the basis of norms that prescribe valued behavior for men and women. Three experiments explored the relationship between perceived social roles and the prescriptive content of gender stereotypes by examining perceptions of cross-temporal role change. In the first study, participants evaluated the gender-stereotypic traits of past, present, and future men and women. In the second study, participants evaluated descriptions of consensually perceived trends for men and women. In the third study, participants read experimentally manipulated descriptions of role changes in a novel society and evaluated the traits of future citizens. Perceptions of cross-temporal changes in social roles (whether naturally occurring or experimentally manipulated) were associated with differential valuing of role-congruent characteristics. In general, participants' responses reflected a pattern of anticipated accommodation to shifts in social roles, with greater value projected for characteristics that facilitate role success. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2006 Division 35, American Psychological Association.},
	author = {Diekman, Amanda B. and Goodfriend, Wind},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:08:11 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:08:11 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1471-6402.2006.00312.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/j.1471-6402.2006.00312.x.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {03616843},
	journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
	number = {4},
	pages = {369--383},
	title = {{Rolling with the changes: A role congruity perspective on gender norms}},
	volume = {30},
	year = {2006},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.2006.00312.x}}

@article{Andre2010,
	abstract = {Aim: To investigate secular trends in personality traits in adult female populations. Methods: Two representative, population-based cohorts of women, 38 (n = 318) and 50 (n = 593) years of age participated in a health examination in 1968 and 2004 in Gothenburg, Sweden. The Eysenck Personality Inventory (EPI) and Cesarec-Marke Personality Schedule (CMPS) were used to measure personality traits. Socioeconomic and lifestyle variables (personal income, education, marital status, children at home, physical activity and smoking) were reported. Results: In both age groups, secular comparisons in psychological profile subscales showed an increase in dominance, exhibition, aggression and achievement. Only small divergences were seen concerning affiliation, guilt feelings, nurturance and succorance. EPI showed a corresponding rise in extroversion. Social data showed a statistically significant increase in percentage of unmarried women, personal income levels, and higher educational achievement. While around 70{\%} of women in 1968---69 had elementary school education only, around 90{\%} had high school or university education in 2004---05. Conclusions: The results indicate major transitions in the adult Swedish female population in the direction of a more stereotypically ``male'' personality profile, but not at the expense of traditionally socially important female traits, which remained constant. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that society and the environment influence personality. {\textcopyright} 2010, the Nordic Societies of Public Health. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Andr{\'{e}}, Malin and Lissner, Lauren and Sundh, Valter and Bengtsson, Calle and Bj{\"{o}}rkelund, Cecilia and H{\"{a}}llstr{\"{o}}m, Tore},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:08:01 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:08:01 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1403494810371247},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1403494810371247.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14034948},
	journal = {Scandinavian Journal of Public Health},
	keywords = {Cohort comparisons,personality traits,population study,women},
	number = {5},
	pages = {457--464},
	pmid = {20576674},
	title = {{Cohort differences in personality in middle-aged women during a 36-year period. Results from the Population Study of Women in Gothenburg}},
	volume = {38},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1403494810371247}}

@article{Twenge1997,
	abstract = {Sixty-three samples providing single-sex means on the Bem Sex-Role Inventory [BSRI; S. L. Bem (1974) "The Measurement of Psychological Androgyny," Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, Vol. 42, pp. 155-162] and 40 reporting similar data on the Personal Attributes Questionnaire [PAQ; J. T. Spence and R. L. Helmreich (1978) Masculinity and Femininity, Austin University of Texas Press] for A merican undergraduates were located and analyzed. Women's scores on the BSRI-M and PAQ-M (masculine) scales have increased steadily over time (r's = .74 and .43, respectively). Women's BSRI-F and PAQ-F (feminine) scale scores do not correlate with year. Men's BSRI-M scores show a weaker positive relationship with year of administration (r = .47). The effect size for sex differences on the BSRI-M has also changed over time, showing a significant decrease over the twenty-year period. The results suggest that cultural change and environment may affect individual personalities; these changes in BSRI and PAQ means demonstrate women's increased endorsement of masculine-stereotyped traits and men's continued nonendorsement of feminine-stereotyped traits.},
	author = {Twenge, Jean M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:07:53 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:07:53 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/BF02766650},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/Twenge1997{\_}Article{\_}ChangesInMasculineAndFeminineT.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15732762},
	journal = {Sex Roles},
	number = {5-6},
	pages = {305--325},
	title = {{Changes in masculine and feminine traits over time: A meta-analysis}},
	volume = {36},
	year = {1997},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02766650}}

@article{Balliet2011,
	abstract = {Although it is commonly believed that women are kinder and more cooperative than men, there is conflicting evidence for this assertion. Current theories of sex differences in social behavior suggest that it may be useful to examine in what situations men and women are likely to differ in cooperation. Here, we derive predictions from both sociocultural and evolutionary perspectives on context-specific sex differences in cooperation, and we conduct a unique meta-analytic study of 272 effect sizes-sampled across 50 years of research-on social dilemmas to examine several potential moderators. The overall average effect size is not statistically different from zero (d = -0.05), suggesting that men and women do not differ in their overall amounts of cooperation. However, the association between sex and cooperation is moderated by several key features of the social context: Male-male interactions are more cooperative than female-female interactions (d = 0.16), yet women cooperate more than men in mixed-sex interactions (d = -0.22). In repeated interactions, men are more cooperative than women. Women were more cooperative than men in larger groups and in more recent studies, but these differences disappeared after statistically controlling for several study characteristics. We discuss these results in the context of both sociocultural and evolutionary theories of sex differences, stress the need for an integrated biosocial approach, and outline directions for future research. {\textcopyright} 2011 American Psychological Association.},
	author = {Balliet, Daniel and Li, Norman P. and Macfarlan, Shane J. and {Van Vugt}, Mark},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:07:44 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:07:44 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/a0025354},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/2011-20484-001.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00332909},
	journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
	keywords = {Cooperation,Gender,Meta-analysis,Sex differences,Social dilemmas},
	number = {6},
	pages = {881--909},
	pmid = {21910518},
	title = {{Sex Differences in Cooperation: A Meta-Analytic Review of Social Dilemmas}},
	volume = {137},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/a0025354}}

@article{Twenge2001,
	abstract = {Across two meta-analyses, American women's assertiveness rose and fell with their social status from 1931 to 1993. College women and high school girls' self-reports on assertiveness and dominance scales increased from 1931 to 1945, decreased from 1946 to 1967, and increased from 1968 to 1993, explaining about 14{\%} of the variance in the trait. Women's scores have increased enough that many recent samples show no sex differences in assertiveness. Correlations with social indicators (e.g., women's educational attainment, women's median age at first marriage) confirm that women's assertiveness varies with their status and roles. Social change is thus internalized in the form of a personality trait. Men's scores do not demonstrate a significant birth cohort effect overall. The results suggest that the changing sociocultural environment for women affected their personalities, most likely beginning in childhood.},
	author = {Twenge, Jean M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:07:30 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:07:30 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.81.1.133},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/2001-07168-010.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00223514},
	journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
	number = {1},
	pages = {133--145},
	pmid = {11474719},
	title = {{Changes in women's assertiveness in response to status and roles: A cross-temporal meta-analysis, 1931-1993}},
	volume = {81},
	year = {2001},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.81.1.133}}

@article{Dynes2021,
	abstract = {Most research on the causes of women's underrepresentation examines one of two stages of the political pipeline: the development of nascent political ambition or specific aspects of the campaign and election process. In this article, we make a different kind of contribution. We build on the growing literature on gender, psychology, and representation to provide an analysis of what kinds of men and women make it through the political pipeline at each stage. This allows us to draw some conclusions about the ways in which the overall process is similar and different for women and men. Using surveys of the general U.S. population (N = 1,939) and elected municipal officials such as mayors and city councilors (N = 2,354) that measure the distribution of Big Five personality traits, we find that roughly the same types of men and women have nascent political ambition; there is just an intercept shift for sex. In contrast, male and female elected officials have different personality profiles. These differences do not reflect underlying distributions in the general population or the population of political aspirants. In short, our data suggest that socialization into political ambition is similar for men and women, but campaign and election processes are not.},
	author = {Dynes, Adam M. and Hassell, Hans J.G. and Miles, Matthew R. and Preece, Jessica Robinson},
	date-added = {2021-03-18 18:07:13 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-18 18:07:13 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X19000461},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/personality-and-gendered-selection-processes-in-the-political-pipeline.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	keywords = {Gender,candidate emergence,political ambition,political psychology,representation},
	pages = {53--73},
	title = {{Personality and Gendered Selection Processes in the Political Pipeline}},
	volume = {17},
	year = {2021},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X19000461}}

@article{Kellermann2016,
	abstract = {This article: * Demonstrates that use of written parliamentary questions by British MPs is influenced by electoral context. * Shows that as the margin of victory in prior election decreases, members ask more questions. * Indicates that the margin of victory does not affect proportion of questions that focus on constituency issues. * Concludes that electorally vulnerable members use questions to signal effort, rather than attention to constituency issues. An emerging literature suggests that British MPs use legislative tools such as private member bills and early day motions to develop reputations with constituents, notwithstanding the common belief that individual legislative behaviour has little effect on electoral outcomes in Britain. This study demonstrates that British MPs also use parliamentary questions to respond to electoral vulnerability. Using data on written parliamentary questions asked between 1997 and 2010, it examines two possible consequences of electoral vulnerability: increased question frequency and greater focus on constituency issues in questions. It demonstrates that members ask more written parliamentary questions on average when their margin of victory decreases. In contrast, there is no meaningful evidence that MP focus on constituency issues increases with electoral marginality. These findings suggest that members use questions to signal effort to their constituents rather than attention to constituency issues.},
	annote = {Useful talking about value.},
	author = {Kellermann, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 16:41:03 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 16:41:03 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-856X.12075},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kellermann - 2016 - Electoral Vulnerability, Constituency Focus, and Parliamentary Questions in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
	keywords = {House of Commons,electoral connection,legislative behaviour,parliamentary questions},
	number = {1},
	pages = {90--106},
	title = {{Electoral Vulnerability, Constituency Focus, and Parliamentary Questions in the House of Commons}},
	volume = {18},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-856X.12075}}

@article{Cutts2020,
	abstract = {The outcome of the 2019 general election---a resounding Conservative majority and an unprecedented defeat for Labour---delivered a decisive electoral verdict for the first time in recent years following a period where British politics has been characterised by instability and indecision. In this article, we draw on aggregate-level data to conduct an initial exploration of the vote. What was the impact of Brexit on the 2019 general election result? How far has Brexit reshaped electoral politics? Was 2019 a `realignment election'? And, if so, what are the implications? With a focus on England and Wales we show that, although the Conservatives made gains deep into Labour's working class heartlands, these gains have been a long time coming, reflected in Labour's weakening relationship with working class Britain. As such, 2019 is not a critical election but a continuation of longer-term trends of dealignment and realignment in British politics.},
	author = {Cutts, David and Goodwin, Matthew and Heath, Oliver and Surridge, Paula},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:15:18 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:15:18 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-923X.12815},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1467-923X.12815.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1467923X},
	journal = {Political Quarterly},
	keywords = {Brexit,Britain,general election,turnout,voting},
	number = {1},
	pages = {7--23},
	title = {{Brexit, the 2019 General Election and the Realignment of British Politics}},
	volume = {91},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12815}}

@article{Bauer2021,
	author = {Bauer, Nichole M. and Kalmoe, Nathan P. and Russell, Erica B.},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:14:15 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:14:15 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12737},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/pops.12737.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	keywords = {aggression,and republican montana congressional,at president obama,campaign strategy,candidate,common in political cam-,female candidates,gender stereotypes,in the american context,incivility,incivility and aggression among,joe wilson gained no-,paigns,political candidates are increasingly,south carolina republican representative,toriety for yelling,you lie},
	pages = {1--21},
	title = {{Candidate Aggression and Gendered Voter Evaluations}},
	year = {2021},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12737}}

@article{Dolan2014,
	abstract = {Elections involving women candidates in the United States can offer unsettling examples of voter gender stereotypes, but research on women candidates provides little in the way of available data that allow us to link stereotypes to voter decision-making. This project reports results from a 2010 survey designed to examine gender stereotypes, candidate evaluations, and voting behavior in U.S. House elections with women candidates running against men. In general, stereotypes are not a central part of candidate evaluations or voting decisions, but the political party of the woman candidate can shape their role in candidate evaluations and vote choice. {\textcopyright} 2013 University of Utah.},
	author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:13:58 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:13:58 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912913487949},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1065912913487949.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10659129},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {gender stereotypes,women candidates},
	number = {1},
	pages = {96--107},
	title = {{Gender Stereotypes, Candidate Evaluations, and Voting for Women Candidates: What Really Matters?}},
	volume = {67},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912913487949}}

@article{Daubler2016,
	abstract = {Does representatives' legislative activity have any effect on their electoral performance? A broad theoretical literature suggests so, but real-world evidence is scarce as empirically, personal and party votes are hard to separate. In this article, we examine whether bill initiation actually helps MPs to attract preference votes under flexible list electoral systems. In these systems, voters can accept the party-provided rank order or vote for specific candidates, which allows a clear distinction between personal and party votes. The empirical analysis uses data on bill initiation by Belgian MPs in the period 2003-2007 to explain their personal vote in the 2007 elections. We find that particularly single-authored proposals initiated shortly before the upcoming elections are associated with a larger personal vote.},
	author = {D{\"{a}}ubler, Thomas and Br{\"{a}}uninger, Thomas and Brunner, Martin},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:13:51 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:13:51 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12119},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/lsq.12119.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {2},
	pages = {419--444},
	title = {{Is personal vote-seeking behavior effective?}},
	volume = {41},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12119}}

@article{Campbell2019,
	abstract = {Existing research suggests that voters tend to respond positively to legislator independence due to two types of mechanism. First, dissent has an indirect effect, increasing a legislator's media coverage and personal recognition among constituents (profile effects). Secondly, constituents react positively to dissent when this signals that the legislator has matching political or representational preferences (conditional evaluation). This article presents a third effect: Dissent acts as a valence signal of integrity and trustworthiness. Consistent with the valence signalling mechanism, it uses new observational and experimental evidence to show that British voters have a strong and largely unconditional preference for legislators who dissent. The findings pose a dilemma for political systems that rely on strong and cohesive parties.},
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:13:25 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:13:25 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123416000223},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell et al. - 2019 - Legislator dissent as a valence signal.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14692112},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {105--128},
	title = {{Legislator dissent as a valence signal}},
	volume = {49},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123416000223}}

@book{Fieldhouse2019,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Fieldhouse, Edward and Green, Jane and Evans, Geoffrey and Mellon, Jonathan and Prosser, Christopher and Schmitt, Hermann and van der Eikj, Cees},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:12:47 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:12:47 +0000},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Electoral Shocks: The Volatile Voter in a Turbulent World}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Lee2013,
	abstract = {There is a common concern that the British public is increasingly becoming disengaged with politics. This chapter examines trends in attitudes towards politics over the past 30 years and what this might mean for the future of British democracy.},
	author = {Lee, Lucy and Young, Penny},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:12:40 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:12:40 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/bsa30{\_}politics{\_}final.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Social Attitudes 30},
	title = {{A disengaged Britain? Political interest and participation over 30 years}},
	url = {http://www.bsa.natcen.ac.uk/latest-report/british-social-attitudes-30/politics/introduction.aspx},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.bsa.natcen.ac.uk/latest-report/british-social-attitudes-30/politics/introduction.aspx}}

@article{Curtice2019,
	author = {Curtice, John and Clery, Elizabeth and Perry, Jane and Phillips, Miranda and Rahim, Nilufer},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:12:32 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:12:32 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/bsa{\_}36.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781527244481},
	journal = {British Social Attitudes 36},
	title = {{British Social Attitudes 2019}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Fleming2020,
	abstract = {What shapes legislators' incentives for personal vote-seeking in parliament? Recent work suggests that partisanship among voters deters personal vote-seeking, by limiting its effectiveness. This has potentially significant implications for policy-making, election results and patterns of accountability. However, empirical tests of this argument remain few in number and have several limitations. This article thus offers a new test of the relationship between partisanship and personal vote-seeking. Using legislators' bill proposals as an indicator of their personal vote-seeking activity, I analyse legislative behaviour in the UK House of Commons between 1964 and 2017. I find that members of parliament make more legislative proposals when voters are less partisan. Moreover, partisanship appears to moderate the influence of other drivers of personal vote-seeking: electorally vulnerable legislators make more legislative proposals, but only at low levels of partisanship. These findings provide new evidence that voters' relationships with political parties affect legislators' electoral strategies and parliamentary behaviour.},
	author = {Fleming, Thomas G.},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:12:16 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:12:16 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0032321720953506},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/0032321720953506.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679248},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {UK House of Commons,bill proposals,parliamentary behaviour,partisan dealignment,personal vote-seeking},
	pages = {1--21},
	title = {{Partisan Dealignment and Personal Vote-Seeking in Parliamentary Behaviour}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321720953506}}

@article{Fleming2019,
	abstract = {What explains the power of parliamentary committees? A large literature on the United States Congress sees strong legislative committees as a consequence of legislators' incentives to cultivate a personal vote. These incentives are typically understood to be determined by formal electoral rules. How legislatures are elected thus shapes how they are organised. This article argues that explanations of legislative organisation should also consider a non-institutional source of personal vote-seeking incentives: voters' partisanship. Where partisan dealignment is more extensive, legislators have stronger incentives to develop a personal vote. Where committee systems are more powerful, legislators have better opportunities to do so. Partisan dealignment should thus lead to stronger committee systems. This argument is supported by analysis of original data on the postwar evolution of committee systems in five `Westminster' parliaments. Partisan dealignment is associated with larger committee systems, and with larger expansions of committee systems.},
	author = {Fleming, Thomas G.},
	date-added = {2021-03-03 15:12:16 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-03 15:12:16 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12299},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1475-6765.12299.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14756765},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	keywords = {committees,parliament,partisan dealignment,personal vote},
	number = {2},
	pages = {536--556},
	title = {{Partisan dealignment and committee power in five Westminster parliaments}},
	volume = {58},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12299}}

@incollection{Kathlene2001,
	address = {Indiana, US},
	author = {Kathlene, Lyn},
	booktitle = {The Impact of Women in Public Office},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	editor = {Carroll, Susan J.},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kathlene - 2001 - Words That Matter Women's Voice and Institutional Bias in Public Policy Formation.pdf:pdf},
	pages = {22--48},
	publisher = {Indiana University Press},
	title = {{Words That Matter: Women's Voice and Institutional Bias in Public Policy Formation}},
	year = {2001}}

@article{Spirling2019,
	abstract = {We consider the properties and performance of word embeddings techniques in the con- text of political science research. In particular, we explore key parameter choices---including context window length, embedding vector dimensions and the use of pre-trained vs locally fit variants---in terms of effects on the efficiency and quality of inferences possible with these models. Reassuringly, with caveats, we show that results are robust to such choices for political corpora of various sizes and in various languages. Beyond reporting extensive technical find- ings, we provide a novel crowd-sourced ``Turing test''-style method for examining the relative performance of any two models that produce substantive, text-based outputs. Encouragingly, we show that popular, easily available pre-trained embeddings perform at a level close to---or surpassing---both human coders and more complicated locally-fit models. For completeness, we provide best practice advice for cases where local fitting is required.},
	author = {Spirling, Arthur and Rodriguez, Pedro L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Spirling, Rodriguez - 2019 - Word Embeddings What works, what doesn't, and how to tell the difference for applied research(3).pdf:pdf},
	pages = {1--51},
	publisher = {Working Paper},
	title = {{Word Embeddings What works, what doesn't, and how to tell the difference for applied research}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Garg2018,
	abstract = {Word embeddings are a powerful machine-learning framework that represents each English word by a vector. The geometric relationship between these vectors captures meaningful semantic relationships between the corresponding words. In this paper, we develop a framework to demonstrate how the temporal dynamics of the embedding helps to quantify changes in stereotypes and attitudes toward women and ethnic minorities in the 20th and 21st centuries in the United States. We integrate word embeddings trained on 100 y of text data with the US Census to show that changes in the embedding track closely with demographic and occupation shifts over time. The embedding captures societal shifts---e.g., the women's movement in the 1960s and Asian immigration into the United States---and also illuminates how specific adjectives and occupations became more closely associated with certain populations over time. Our framework for temporal analysis of word embedding opens up a fruitful intersection between machine learning and quantitative social science.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {1711.08412},
	author = {Garg, Nikhil and Schiebinger, Londa and Jurafsky, Dan and Zou, James},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1073/pnas.1720347115},
	eprint = {1711.08412},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garg et al. - 2018 - Word embeddings quantify 100 years of gender and ethnic stereotypes.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1720347115},
	issn = {10916490},
	journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
	keywords = {Ethnic stereotypes,Gender stereotypes,Word embedding},
	number = {16},
	title = {{Word embeddings quantify 100 years of gender and ethnic stereotypes}},
	volume = {115},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1720347115}}

@article{Holmes1992,
	author = {Holmes, Janet},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holmes - 1992 - Women's Talk in Public Contexts.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Discourse {\&} Society},
	number = {2},
	pages = {131--150},
	title = {{Women's Talk in Public Contexts}},
	volume = {3},
	year = {1992}}

@article{Volden2016,
	abstract = {Significant scholarship indicates that female legislators focus their attention on "women's issues" to a greater extent than do male lawmakers. Drawing on over 40 years of bill sponsorship data from the US House of Representatives, we define women's issues in terms of those sponsored at a greater rate by women in Congress. Our analysis reveals that most (but not all) of the classically considered women's issues are indeed raised at an enhanced rate by congresswomen. We then track the fate of those issues. While 4 percent of all bills become law, that rate drops to 2 percent for women's issues and to only 1 percent for women's issue bills sponsored by women themselves. This pattern persists over time-from the early 1970s through today-and upon controlling for other factors that influence bills success rates. We link the bias against women's issues to the committee process, and suggest several avenues for further research.},
	author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan E. and Wittmer, Dana E.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/psrm.2016.32},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Volden, Wiseman, Wittmer - 2016 - Women's Issues and Their Fates in the US Congress.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Science Research and Methods},
	number = {4},
	pages = {679--696},
	title = {{Women's Issues and Their Fates in the US Congress}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.32},
	volume = {6},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.32}}

@article{Mendelberg2016,
	abstract = {Formal decision-making groups are ubiquitous, and they make decisions that govern every aspect of life, yet women are vastly underrepresented in them. How effective are women in these groups, where their numbers still lag far behind men's? We address this longstanding question, focusing on detailed measures of women's influence in natural and controlled settings. The answers shed light on related questions as well: How high do the numbers have to rise before women exercise equal influence? Do women need a different critical mass in different types of settings? We also address a newer question: how do other features of the group help or hinder women's equal leadership? Can they ameliorate the negative impact of low numbers? Women's relative number matters to women's ability to exercise leadership in small groups, but the procedures that groups use also matter, and condition the effects of numbers.},
	author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.leaqua.2015.11.005},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mendelberg, Karpowitz - 2016 - Women's authority in political decision-making groups.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Leadership Quarterly},
	pages = {487--503},
	title = {{Women's authority in political decision-making groups}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.leaqua.2015.11.005}}

@article{Lawless2004,
	abstract = {Scores of political science studies reveal that female candidates fare as well as their male counterparts. But the percentage of citizens willing to support a woman presidential party nominee has significantly decreased over the last two years. Based on the results of a Knowledge Networks national random sample survey, this article offers the first empirical examination of the manner in which the atmosphere of war might affect women candidates' electoral prospects. I find that citizens prefer men's leadership traits and characteristics, deem men more competent at legislating around issues of national security and military crises, and contend that men are superior to women at addressing the new obstacles generated by the events of September 11, 2001. As a result of this gender stereotyping, levels of willingness to support a qualified woman presidential candidate are lower than they have been for decades. These findings carry broad implications for the study of women and politics. If women fare as well as men when the political climate is dominated by issues that play to women's stereotypical strengths, but are disadvantaged when "men's issues" dominate the political agenda, then we must reconsider the conclusion that winning elections has nothing to do with the sex of the candidate.},
	author = {Lawless, Jennifer L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/106591290405700312},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lawless - 2004 - Women, war, and winning elections Gender stereotyping in the post-September 11th era.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10659129},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	number = {3},
	pages = {479--490},
	title = {{Women, war, and winning elections: Gender stereotyping in the post-September 11th era}},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/106591290405700312}}

@article{Barnes2019,
	abstract = {Why do people assume female politicians are less likely than men to engage in the illegal use of public positions for private gain? We argue that voters may perceive women as marginalized within political institutions, or as more risk averse and consequently more constrained by institutional oversight, which could lead to perceptions of women as less likely to engage in corruption. Using an original survey experiment, we test these mechanisms against conventional wisdom that women are seen as more honest. We find strong support for the risk aversion explanation, as well as heterogeneous effects by respondent sex for both the marginalization and honesty mechanisms. These findings suggest that the institutional contexts in which women are operating can help explain why people perceive them as less likely to engage in corruption. Identifying these mechanisms is critical to understanding the role of women in politics and for improving trust in government.},
	author = {Barnes, Tiffany D. and Beaulieu, Emily},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414018774355},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes, Beaulieu - 2019 - Women Politicians, Institutions, and Perceptions of Corruption.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	number = {1},
	pages = {134--167},
	title = {{Women Politicians, Institutions, and Perceptions of Corruption}},
	volume = {52},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414018774355}}

@book{Ross2003,
	address = {Belfast},
	author = {Ross, Karen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ross - 2003 - Women Politicians and Malestream Media A Game of Two Sides.pdf:pdf},
	publisher = {CAWP Occasional Paper},
	title = {{Women Politicians and Malestream Media: A Game of Two Sides}},
	year = {2003}}

@book{Hayes2016,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Hayes, Danny and Lawless, Jennifer L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Women on the Run: Gender, Media, and Political Campaigns in a Polarized Era}},
	year = {2016}}

@article{Baxter2012,
	abstract = {This paper reconceptualises a classic theory (Kanter 1993[1977]) on gender and leadership in order to provide fresh insights for both sociolinguistic and management thinking. Kanter claimed that there are four approved 'role traps' for women leaders in male-dominated organisations: Mother, Pet, Seductress and Iron Maiden, based on familiar historical archetypes of women in power. This paper reinterprets Kanter's construct of role traps in sociolinguistic terms as gendered, discursive resources that senior women utilise proactively to interact with their predominantly male colleagues. Based on a Research Council funded 1 study of 14 senior leaders (seven female and seven male) each conducting at least one senior management meeting in the U.K., the paper finds that individual speakers can transform stereotyped subject positions into powerful discursive resources to accomplish the goals of leadership, albeit marked by gender. What fresh insights can a research study of women senior managers provide about the relationship between gender and the language of leadership? Does the language women use at senior leadership level indicate why there are so few women in the workplace? Recent research in language and gender has ventured into the field of management studies to suggest that the two disciplines can provide mutually beneficially insights (e.g.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) ``Kanter claimed that there are four approved `role traps' for women leaders in male-dominated organisations: Mother, Pet, Seductress and Iron Maiden, based on familiar historical archetypes of women in power.'' -- Kanter, 1993[1977] 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Based on a Research Council funded1 study of 14 senior leaders (seven female and seven male) each conducting at least one senior management meeting in the U.K., the paper finds that individual speakers can transform stereotyped subject positions into powerful discursive resources to accomplish the goals of leadership, albeit marked by gender.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) ``Kanter originally argued that senior women are `tokenised' in male-dominated organisations where they form a small proportion of senior directors. Because senior women stand out as different, they are forced into gendered subject positions, or in her terms, `role traps'. She identified four such role traps -- Mother, Seductress, Pet and Iron Maiden -- based on familiar, historical archetypes of women in power.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) Kanter's role traps: ``Kanter's (1993[1977]) theory of role traps was formulated on the basis of characterising senior women's minority status as `tokens' in male-dominated organisations.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women are therefore `assimilated' as a `numerical rarity' into a range of gender stereotyped roles which are deemed acceptable for women to perform within an organisation primarily led by men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) ``In her view, patriarchal gendered conditions are responsible for producing these four role traps within the business domain, which she characterised in the following ways.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 86) ``The fields of both gender and organisation studies (e.g. Terjesen, Sealy and Singh 2009; Vinnicombe and Singh 2002) and gender and language (e.g. Baxter 2010; Cameron 2006; Holmes 2006; Koller 2004; Mills 2006; Mullany 2007; Schnurr 2009; Wodak 1997) have shown that leadership is conceptualised as intrinsically masculine.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The prevailing stereotype is one which assumes that an `effective' leader is authoritative, assertive, adversarial, competitive, task-focused, goal-orientated, and single-minded (Bass 1998; Holmes 2006; Sinclair 1998).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Holmes (2006) has also argued that women leaders are subject to the `double bind' whereby they are either adjudged to be far too assertive, or far too tentative.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Furthermore, Helgesen (1990) used empirical evidence to demonstrate that women were often far better at the relational and transformational aspects of leadership than men. However, according to Eagly and Carli (2007: 810), the view that women actually have a `female advantage' because `effective leadership is congruent with the ways in which women lead' has often not benefitted senior women in male-dominated environments, as men and women tend to be evaluated differently and unequally for using the same leadership skill-set. So, for example, a senior man who is listening, supportive and open is regarded as having excellent `people skills', whereas a woman may be seen merely as conforming to stereotype and being insufficiently tough-minded (Vinnicombe and Singh 2002).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 87) ``This perspective is in line with the organisational view that whole corporations are gendered (e.g. Halford and Leonard 2001).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) ``I found evidence that senior women were indeed utilising the subject positions of Mother and Iron Maiden as gendered resources but there was far less evidence of resources associated with Pet and Seductress.''   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) Playing the role of `Pet' would equate to asking a male colleague to `hold my hand' when unsure of something 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 96) The role of the `Mother': ``She uses several verb phrases that report her thoughts and feelings (`I'd like to share'; `I thought personally'; `I know I enjoyed them'; `just thought I'd share that'), which signifies a reflective and considerate manner towards her team. This is enhanced by a lexis indexing an inclusive, intimate and nurturing relationship with colleagues (`share with you'; `I thought personally'; `went down the personal route'; `share that with you').'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      The role of `Mother' can also involve complimenting others to ``make people feel supported and valued'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 97) ``Work psychologists, Priola and Brannen (2009) suggest that because of the nature of the job role, there is a double expectation of female HR leaders to behave in these stereotypically gendered ways, which are not likely to empower them in the longer term.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 98) `Iron Maiden' as a gendered resource: ``Kanter (1993[1977]: 236) characterised the original role-trap as `forthright', `tough' and `dangerous', and suggested it might be the most powerful of the four.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 100) This role includes higher levels of interrupting others too and asking short questions; `being assertive' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 101) ``As Holmes (2005) observes, the `battle axe' or Iron Maiden role faces the standard conundrum of being `expected to be assertive but condemned as castrating bitches when they are' (Peck 2000: 223). Koller (2004: 12) has noted in the data she analysed from business magazines that `relatively speaking, businesswomen are more often described in terms of WAR metaphors than are businessmen', implying that they are viewed as aggressive.''},
	author = {Baxter, Judith},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9841.2011.00520.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baxter - 2012 - Women of the corporation A sociolinguistic perspective of senior women's leadership language in the U.K.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1360-6441$\backslash$r1467-9841},
	issn = {13606441},
	journal = {Journal of Sociolinguistics},
	keywords = {Agency,Discursive resources,Gender,Leadership,Role traps,Subject positions,Voice},
	number = {1},
	pages = {81--107},
	title = {{Women of the corporation: A sociolinguistic perspective of senior women's leadership language in the U.K.}},
	volume = {16},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2011.00520.x}}

@article{SREBERNY-MOHAMMADI1996,
	abstract = {REPRESENTATION has two central dimensions: political speaking for others, and mediated presentation through word and image. 1 Recent feminist theory has explored the gendered nature of democracy and the public sphere, 2 and the gendered dynamics of political representation in Britain and elsewhere. 3 But there has been a notable lacuna in analysis of the other form of representation, the manner in which the mediated presentation of politics is gendered, and its implications for representative democracy at large and specifically for strategies to increase women's political participation. Work in political communication has tended to lack a gender dimension, while feminist work on the media has tended to focus on entertainment formats, rather than the 'fact-based' genre of current affairs that address the viewer as a gendered citizen. 4 A recent overview of research work on television and gender representation reinforces the historic emphasis toward entertainment rather than factual programming. 5 Yet, the media have considerable power to frame our understanding of public life, set the agenda of policy issues and influence the political process.* In the ongoing struggles to get better gender representation in the political sphere, insufficient attention has been paid to media content and its possible effects on aspiring candidates, political activists or the electorate at large. Both the manner in which issues relevant to women are framed and the way in which those active in public life are represented may play crucial roles in the formation of public opinion in general and the mobilization of women voters in particular. Indeed, recent research does suggest strong public expectations of differential competencies and interests between male and female candidates. 7 The double gendering at work-in both the gendered nature of representational politics as well as the gendered nature of media coverage-must be analysed together. As research on the interface between women, media and politics begins to develop, the most common way to explore these issues has been to analyse media content. Early research evidence from both print and broadcast news media suggested that women were invisible in news coverage, famously summarised as their 'symbolic annihilation'. 8 Later work has focused on stereotyping, negative women-as-victim coverage, and a gender imbalance in the amount of coverage given to male and female political leaders. 9 Often the limited and negative coverage of women can be explained by the gender imbalances within the media},
	author = {Sreberny-Mohammadi, A and Ross, K},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028661},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sreberny-Mohammadi, Ross - 1996 - Women MPs and the Media Representing the Body Politic.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0031-2290},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {1},
	pages = {103--115},
	title = {{Women MPs and the Media: Representing the Body Politic}},
	volume = {49},
	year = {1996},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a028661}}

@book{Coates2015,
	address = {London},
	author = {Coates, Jennifer},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{Women, Men and Language: A Sociolinguistic Account of Gender Differences in Language}},
	year = {2015}}

@book{Shaw2020,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Women, Language and Politics}},
	year = {2020}}

@book{Coates1989,
	address = {Harlow},
	author = {Coates, Jennifer and Cameron, Deborah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {0582009693},
	pages = {191},
	publisher = {Longman},
	title = {{Women in their Speech Communities: New Perspectives on Language and Sex}},
	year = {1989}}

@book{Cantor1992,
	abstract = {Explores the strengths, background, and skills that have enabled women to achieve postions of political power, through interviews with twenty-five politically prominent women.},
	address = {Chicago},
	author = {Cantor, Dorothy W. and Bernay, Toni},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {0395618606},
	pages = {316},
	publisher = {Houghton Mifflin},
	title = {{Women in Power: The Secrets of Leadership}},
	year = {1992}}

@book{Sones2005,
	address = {London},
	annote = {Chapter 3: How women do politics 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 46) Suggests that women may prefer constituency work 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 47) ``Persuasion is another key skill that women politicians have.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 49) ``Women across the parties do offer support to one another to achieve change.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 50) Theresa May: ``Theresa May admits to working with women across the parties to get more women into Parliament. She says `I'm not somebody who naturally would claim to be a member of the great sisterhood here in the House of Commons; I think we're all her to do a job and we get on and do that job. But by definition almost, the issue of bringing women into Parliament is something that all women across parties have an interest in.''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 52) ``Melanie Johnson agrees: `I think women are far better at admitting that they don't know the answer than the men.''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 53) ``Women MPs believe they have used their experiences of life to bring a more feminised agenda to the chamber.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 55) ``There is a stereotypical view that women are more consensual in their approach to politics; that they do not like the confrontation or jousting. Some firmly believe this to be the case but others would take issue with this view and point out that men may also find the aggressive approach to achieve political change difficult, and that women too can enjoy confrontational politics.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 58) ``Cheryl Gillan thinks women stick at it: `Women are very persistent and tenacious, and I think that women -- far more than men -- when they hit their brick wall, stand back and think, Hmm now, can I tunnel under this brick wall; if I take a run at it can I get over it in on go? I think were actually slightly better at working our way towards a goal after we've been initially told we can't do that, or it cannot be done.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 59) ``Theresa May thinks the differences attributed to the sexes are real: `I would hope that there wasn't that much difference about it. I've always taken the view that women tend to be interested in delivery, and less interested in talking about things. There's an obvious advantage to that, and the disadvantage to that is that when you're dealing with a lot men, they prefer to have all the talking done; and I think that's one of the problems. Certainly I found in the past that I didn't probably do enough sort of going into corners with people and sitting down and talking to them about what was happening because I just wanted to get on with it and get it done.''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 60) ``Some see women as being less egotistical than their male colleagues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 131) Theresa May: `I guess it just comes with the territory. I don't mind about the shoes, I like buying shoes, I love shoes, so I'm quite happy on the shoe front. I wasn't so happy at being described as an old crone the other day by somebody in the media.''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 148) ``Theresa May realises that it may not be fashionable for Conservative MPs to be feminists but she says she is one: `Now this has always been a difficult question for Conservatives to answer because of the sort of image about what feminism is about. I think the honest answer is, Yes, I am a feminist in the sense that I think we should treat men and women equally, and we should say that the opportunities should be open to women as well as to men. And if feminism is about that, then yes, I am.''},
	author = {Sones, Boni and Moran, Margaret and Lovenduski, Joni},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Politico's Publishing},
	title = {{Women in Parliament: The New Suffragettes}},
	year = {2005}}

@techreport{HoC2020,
	abstract = {This note shows how the number of women in Parliament has changed since 1918, when women first became eligible to be elected as MPs. It presents comparative data for women in Parliament and other elected bodies in the UK and internationally. It also looks at some milestones over the last 100 years for women in Parliament and Government in the UK. Currently just over one in five Members of Parliament are women, compared with just over one half of the adult population. The 2010 General Election returned a higher number and proportion of female MPs than any previous general election. Prior to 1987 women had never made up more than 5{\%} of MPs. Historically, women found it difficult to be adopted as candidates by the main UK political parties and when they did find a seat, it was likely to be less winnable than those for which men were selected. In the 2005 and 2010 general elections, the all-women short-list policy appears to have helped change this for Labour and to have broken down the association of candidates' gender and seat marginality. The UK has the fifteenth highest proportion of women MPs out of the 27 EU Member States. 33{\%} of UK MEPs elected in 2009 are women, compared to 35{\%} of MEPs across all 27 EU Member States. Internationally, the UK Parliament ranks 65th out of the 190 countries included in the Inter Parliamentary Union's 1 February 2013 monitoring report. This},
	author = {Uberoi, Elise and Watson, Chris and Kirk-Wade, Esme},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/SN01250.pdf:pdf},
	institution = {House of Commons Library},
	title = {{Women in Parliament and Government}},
	year = {2020}}

@misc{IPU2020,
	author = {IPU},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{Women in National Parliaments}},
	url = {http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm},
	urldate = {2020-06-26},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm}}

@article{FridkinKahn1991,
	abstract = {By covering male and female candidates differently, the news media may influence the success of female candidates for public office. A content analysis was conducted to assess potentially important differences in the newspaper coverage of a sample of male and female U.S. Senate candidates in the elections of 1982-86. The results of the study show that female candidates for the U.S. Senate are treated differently by the press. Female candidates receive less news coverage and the coverage they do receive concentrates more on their viability and less on their issue positions. Furthermore, female candidates' viability coverage is more negative than that of their male counterparts. Given these gender differences in press treatment, we would expect voters' recognition of male candidates to exceed that of female candidates and we would also expect evaluations of female candidates to be tied more closely to their perceived viability. Because female candidates are often considered noncompeti-tive by the press, this attention to the horserace may lead voters to develop more negative evaluations of female candidates. These results suggest that current patterns of press coverage may serve as a critical obstacle for women running for the U.S. Senate. Women have always been underrepresented in the U.S. Senate. A total of sixteen women have served in the Senate and only six of these women have served full terms. The representation of women has not improved in recent years: two women serve in the U.S. Senate today,},
	author = {{Fridkin Kahn}, Kim and Goldenberg, Edie N},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fridkin Kahn, Goldenberg - 1991 - Women Candidates in the News An Examination of Gender Differences in U.S. Senate Campaign Coverage.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
	pages = {180--199},
	title = {{Women Candidates in the News: An Examination of Gender Differences in U.S. Senate Campaign Coverage}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-abstract/55/2/180/1810869},
	volume = {55},
	year = {1991},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/poq/article-abstract/55/2/180/1810869}}

@article{Leaper2011,
	abstract = {Robin Lakoff proposed that women are more likely than men to use tentative speech forms (e.g., hedges, qualifiers/disclaimers, tag questions, intensifiers). Based on conflicting results from research testing Lakoff's claims, a meta-analysis of studies testing gender differences in tentative language was conducted. The sample included 29 studies with 39 independent samples and a combined total sample of 3,502 participants. Results revealed a statistically significant but small effect size (d ¼ .23), indicating that women were somewhat more likely than men to use tentative speech. In addition, methodological moderators (opera-tional definition, observation length, recording method, author gender, and year of study) and contextual moderators (gender composition, familiarity, student status, group size, conversational activity, and physical setting) were tested. Effect sizes were significantly larger in studies that (a) observed longer (vs. shorter) conversations, (b) sampled undergraduates (vs. other adults), (c) observed groups (vs. dyads), and (d) occurred in research labs (vs. other settings). The moderator effects are interpreted as supporting proposals that women's greater likelihood of tentative language reflects interpersonal sensitivity rather than a lack of assertiveness. In addition, the influence of self-presentation concerns in the enactment of gender-typed behavior is discussed. The question of whether women and men differ in their language style has received much attention over the past several decades in},
	author = {Leaper, Campbell and Robnett, Rachael D},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0361684310392728},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leaper, Robnett - 2011 - Women Are More Likely Than Men to Use Tentative Language, Aren't They A Meta-Analysis Testing for Gender Differ.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {129--142},
	publisher = {SAGE},
	title = {{Women Are More Likely Than Men to Use Tentative Language, Aren't They? A Meta-Analysis Testing for Gender Differences and Moderators}},
	url = {http://pwq.sagepub.com},
	volume = {35},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://pwq.sagepub.com},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0361684310392728}}

@book{Childs2008,
	address = {Abingdon},
	author = {Childs, Sarah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/Lotte and Jess/lit/Substantive Rep stuff/Women in British Party Politics Participation and Representation (Routledge Advances in European Politics) by Sarah Childs (z-lib.org).pdf:pdf},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{Women and British Party Politics: Descriptive, Substantive and Symbolic Representation}},
	year = {2008}}

@article{Catalano2009,
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 45) ``The recent push for more women parliamentarians around the world via positive action measures such as gender quotas naturally begs the question of whether the increased descriptive representation of women in parliament is making a substantive difference, in terms of the types of policies passed, behavioural norms, and procedures.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 46) ``It is understandable, given the fact that discriminatory laws still exist and the structure of most parliaments is still based upon the universal disembodied male (Puwar 2004), that women parliamentarians might be expected to contribute a ``woman's point of view'' to certain issues that affect women in particular (e.g., breast cancer care in the National Health Service).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 47) Study undertakes a quantitative analysis of second reading bill debates in the Commons 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 48) ``The underrepresentation of women in parliaments worldwide indicates that political values and behaviours are, in fact, gendered. As an historically marginalized group, women traditionally have been left out of political life.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 50) ``The notion of women's feminizing of politics is controversial because it runs the risk of essentializing women, implying that as a group, they inherently share a set of policy preferences or ideology. Women are not a monolithic entity with a collective set of interests and beliefs.''},
	author = {Catalano, Ana},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X09000038},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Catalano - 2009 - Women Acting for Women An Analysis of Gender and Debate Participation in the British House of Commons 2005-2007(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {1},
	pages = {45--68},
	title = {{Women Acting for Women? An Analysis of Gender and Debate Participation in the British House of Commons 2005-2007}},
	volume = {5},
	year = {2009},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X09000038}}

@article{Pruysers2017,
	author = {Pruysers, Scott and Blais, Julie},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000544},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pruysers, Blais - 2017 - Why won't lola run An experiment examining stereotype threat and political ambition.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {2},
	pages = {232--252},
	title = {{Why won't lola run? An experiment examining stereotype threat and political ambition}},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X16000544}}

@article{Karpowitz2015a,
	abstract = {Critical mass theory argues that women's numbers are a major cause of women's status and authority in a group. Applications of the theory to political settings have yielded mixed support for the theory. We unpack one mechanism that can explain when, why, and how numbers aid women. That mechanism is the norm of communication during group discussion. Our focus is on how women build or lose authority while they interact with men. We argue that numbers -- and group procedures -- shape norms that advance or hinder women's authority. Women's authority in turn affects the group's decision about economic redistribution -- the higher the women's authority, the higher the group's generosity to the poor. We suggest that future work further explore how rules and norms affect women's status in a group by equalizing their participation and influence, with the ultimate goal being equal gender authority.},
	author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Mendelberg, Tali and Mattioli, Lauren},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/21565503.2014.999804},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Mattioli - 2015 - Why women's numbers elevate women's influence, and when they do not rules, norms, and authority.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
	number = {1},
	pages = {149--177},
	title = {{Why women's numbers elevate women's influence, and when they do not: rules, norms, and authority in political discussion}},
	volume = {3},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2014.999804}}

@article{Campbell2019a,
	abstract = {Why do politicians with strong local roots receive more electoral support? The mechanisms underlying this well-documented ``friends and neighbors'' effect remain largely untested. Drawing on two population-based survey experiments fielded in Britain, we provide the first experimental test of a commonly posited cue-based explanation, which argues that voters use politicians' local roots (descriptive localism) to make inferences about politicians' likely actions in office (behavioral localism). Consistent with the cue-based account, we find that a politician's local roots are less predictive of voter evaluations when voters have access to explicit information about aspects of the politician's actual behavioral localism. However, we also find that voters' positive reaction to local roots is only partially explained by a cue-based account in which voters care about the aspects of behavioral localism tested in this article. Our findings inform a normative debate concerning the implications of friends-and-neighbors voting for democratic representation and accountability.},
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip and Vivyan, Nick and Wagner, Markus},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1086/703131},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell et al. - 2019 - Why friends and neighbors Explaining the electoral appeal of local roots.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14682508},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	number = {3},
	pages = {937--951},
	title = {{Why friends and neighbors? Explaining the electoral appeal of local roots}},
	volume = {81},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/703131}}

@article{Heilman2007,
	abstract = {In 3 experimental studies, the authors tested the idea that penalties women incur for success in traditionally male areas arise from a perceived deficit in nurturing and socially sensitive communal attributes that is implied by their success. The authors therefore expected that providing information of communality would prevent these penalties. Results indicated that the negativity directed at successful female managers - in ratings of likability, interpersonal hostility, and boss desirability - was mitigated when there was indication that they were communal. This ameliorative effect occurred only when the information was clearly indicative of communal attributes (Study 1) and when it could be unambiguously attributed to the female manager (Study 2); furthermore, these penalties were averted when communality was conveyed by role information (motherhood status) or by behavior (Study 3). These findings support the idea that penalties for women's success in male domains result from the perceived violation of gender-stereotypic prescriptions. Copyright 2007 by the American Psychological Association.},
	author = {Heilman, Madeline E. and Okimoto, Tyler G.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/0021-9010.92.1.81},
	file = {::},
	issn = {00219010},
	journal = {Journal of Applied Psychology},
	keywords = {Communal prescriptions,Penalties for success,Prescriptive gender stereotypes,Sex discrimination},
	number = {1},
	pages = {81--92},
	pmid = {17227153},
	title = {{Why are women penalized for success at male tasks?: The implied communality deficit}},
	volume = {92},
	year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.92.1.81}}

@article{Weinberg2020,
	abstract = {Public faith in politicians and associated systems of governance is desperately low. At the same time, public opinion of politicians is characterized by a vernacular of psychological accusations pertaining to greed, self-interest and careerism. This article tests the verity of these claims by comparing quantitative data on the Basic Human Values (Schwartz 1992) of 106 UK Members of Parliament (MPs) and 134 unsuccessful parliamentary candidates with data collected from the British public in the seventh wave of the European Social Survey. It explores (a) how politicians differ psychologically from those they govern and (b) how personality characteristics such as basic values inform candidate emergence. The study finds that politics is a profession few 'ordinary' people care to enter. MPs attribute significantly more importance to Self-Transcendence values than the comparatively conservative population they govern, but the relative importance they ascribe to Power values seems to have an equally strong predictive effect on candidate emergence.},
	author = {Weinberg, James},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123419000814},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weinberg - 2020 - Who Wants To Be a Politician Basic Human Values and Candidate Emergence in the United Kingdom.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	keywords = {basic values,candidate emergence,political ambition,politicians},
	pages = {1--17},
	title = {{Who Wants To Be a Politician? Basic Human Values and Candidate Emergence in the United Kingdom}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123419000814}}

@article{Back2014,
	abstract = {Legislative speeches are an important instrument for parties and members of parliament (MPs) to signal their positions and priorities. This raises the question of who speaks when. We evaluate whether a MP's presence on the floor depends on his or her gender. We hypothesize that female MPs give in general less speeches in parliament and that this pattern results from debates dealing with ``harder'' policy issues. Our expectations are supported when analyzing a new data set containing information on the number and content of speeches given in the Swedish Riksdag between 2002 and 2010.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Evaluates whether participation on the floor in legislative debates is dependent on gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: female MPs give less speeches in parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: female participation in speeches will be dependent on policy area -- e.g. `harder' policy issues would result in less female participation 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: hypotheses are supported when analysing a new data set containing information on the number and content of speeches given in the Swedish Riksdag between 2002 and 2010 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 507) a reason women may participate less could also be the `cultures of masculinity' within political organisations (e.g. psychology research has hypothesised that women are less voluble or less likely to speak in organisations ``because they are less likely to engage in behaviours that are dominant and aggressive, which may include talking more than others in a group setting'' (Brescoll 2011: 625)) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: when measuring they counted only verbal contributions of MPs in debates and not back and forth replies between two speakers 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: despite the fact Sweden has one of the highest proportions of female MPs, women still participate less often in debates than men. This is particularly true about policy areas that may be classified as `hard'. There is no difference in speech participation in `soft' policy areas},
	author = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc and M{\"{u}}ller, Jochen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}ck, Debus, M{\"{u}}ller - 2014 - Who Takes the Parliamentary Floor The Role of Gender in Speech-making in the Swedish Riksdag.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {Swedish Riksdag,gender,parliamentary speeches,policy areas},
	mendeley-tags = {Swedish Riksdag,gender,parliamentary speeches,policy areas},
	number = {3},
	pages = {504--418},
	title = {{Who Takes the Parliamentary Floor? The Role of Gender in Speech-making in the Swedish Riksdag}},
	volume = {67},
	year = {2014}}

@article{Brescoll2011,
	abstract = {Although past research has noted the importance of both power and gender for understanding volubility-the total amount of time spent talking-in organizations , to date, identifying the unique contributions of power and gender to volubility has been somewhat elusive. Using both naturalistic data sets and experiments, the present studies indicate that while power has a strong, positive effect on volubility for men, no such effect exists for women. Study 1 uses archival data to examine the relationship between the relative power of United States senators and their talking behavior on the Senate floor. Results indicate a strong positive relationship between power and volubility for male senators, but a non-significant relationship for female senators. Study 2 replicates this effect in an experimental setting by priming the concept of power and shows that though men primed with power talk more, women show no effect of power on volubility. Mediation analyses indicate that this difference is explained by women's concern that being highly voluble will result in negative consequences (i.e., backlash). Study 3 shows that powerful women are in fact correct in assuming that they will incur backlash as a result of talking more than others-an effect that is observed among both male and female perceivers. Implications for the literatures on volubility, power, and previous studies of backlash are discussed. Given its centrality to psychology, impression formation, and interpersonal interactions, the study of volubility-the total amount of time spent talking in group contexts-has generated a considerable amount of research over the last fifty years. Individuals mostly base their judgments of others' traits (e.g., how dominant they are) or states (e.g., whether they are a manager or a subordinate) on others' verbal and nonverbal behaviors. Thus how much an individual talks in interpersonal interactions is a key way in which we not only draw inferences about that person but also in how we interact with him or her.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Looks at the relationship between gender, power and time spent talking 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: power has a strong, positive effect on volubility for men, no such effect exists for women 
{\textperiodcentered}      First section examines archival data of US senators and their talking behaviour on the Senate floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      Second section replicate this in an experimental setting by priming the concept of power and shows that though men primed with power talk more, women show no effect on power on volubility 
{\textperiodcentered}      The different is believed to be that women are concerned that being highly voluble will result in negative consequences (i.e. backlash) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Third section shows that powerful women are in fact correct in assuming that they incur backlash as a result of talking more than others 
{\textperiodcentered}      Theoretically: high-power individuals should talk more than low-power individuals, regardless of gender, because power licences those individuals to talk for a greater amount of time relative to other individuals in the group 
{\textperiodcentered}      Nonetheless, research suggests women are less likely to engage in aggressive or dominant behaviours (e.g. Steffen 1986; Archer 2009) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: women are less voluble than men in organisations simple because they are less likely to engage in behaviours that are dominant or aggressive (e.g. talking more than others in a group setting) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Differences between power, gender and volubility may result from the differences in how men and women approach leadership: women have been seen to lead in more democratic, non-hierarchical fashions than men (Helgelsen 1995), which men are more hierarchical (Pratto et al. 1997) and may behave in ways that reinforce their positions in the hierarchy. Women put more emphasis on relationships with others (Maltz and Borker, 1982; Coates, 1986; Edelsky, 1993; Gayle, Preiss, and Allen, 1994; Mast, 2002) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: power impacts speaking time for men and women 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: when utilising data from the US Senate, found a real difference between power and volubility, however this relationship only existed between men and power and not women. Results from experimental design show that women are concerned about the potential backlash that may result from appearing to talk too much. Also found that powerful women who speak disproportionality longer than others in an organisational setting was rated as significantly less competent and less suitable for leadership than a male CEO who talked from an equivalent amount of time 
 },
	author = {Brescoll, Victoria L},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brescoll - 2011 - Who Takes the Floor and Why Gender, Power, and Volubility in Organizations.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Administrative Science Quarterly},
	keywords = {gender,organizations,power,stereotyping,volubility},
	number = {4},
	pages = {622--641},
	title = {{Who Takes the Floor and Why: Gender, Power, and Volubility in Organizations}},
	volume = {56},
	year = {2011}}

@article{Bauer2017b,
	abstract = {In American politics, legislative compromise is often seen as a necessary and desirable aspect of policymaking, yet people also value politicians who stick to their positions. In this article, we consider these conflicting expectations of legislators and ask two intertwined questions: what conditions lead people to punish legislators for not compromising (when legislative action is at stake) and, conversely , what conditions leave people more willing to overlook a legislator's unwillingness to engage in compromise? Relying on previous research, we suggest that legislator gender, legislator partisanship, and issue area may all affect which legislators are punished for not compromising. Relying on two national experiments , we demonstrate that the extent to which lawmakers are punished for not compromising is conditional on the intersection of the three factors in this study. In general, our results suggest that people may be most willing to overlook},
	author = {Bauer, Nichole M. and {Harbridge Yong}, Laurel and Krupnikov, Yanna},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.7910/DVN/UYUZYA},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer, Harbridge Yong, Krupnikov - 2017 - Who is Punished Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1110901693566},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Compromise,Congress,Gender,Issue ownership,Partisanship,Public opinion},
	pages = {279--300},
	title = {{Who is Punished? Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise}},
	volume = {39},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/UYUZYA}}

@techreport{Thomson2001,
	author = {Thomson, Rob and Murachver, Tamar and Green, James},
	booktitle = {Psychological Science},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomson, Murachver, Green - 2001 - Where Is the Gender in Gendered Language.pdf:pdf},
	number = {2},
	pages = {171--175},
	title = {{Where Is the Gender in Gendered Language?}},
	url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/40063606.pdf?refreqid=excelsior{\%}3A6ea0eec75fe60df7e4eb79564a911c04},
	volume = {12},
	year = {2001}}

@book{Rosenthal1998,
	abstract = {This is a study of the different leadership styles of men and women in American politics.},
	author = {Rosenthal, Cindy Simon},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	edition = {Oxford},
	isbn = {9780195115413},
	pages = {240},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{When Women Lead: Integrative Leadership in State Legislatures}},
	year = {1998}}

@article{Crowley2004,
	abstract = {When Tokens Matter Tokens, or low levels of minority or female representatives in state legislatures , have been studied with respect to their perceptions of self-efficacy and political attitudes but not with respect to their actual influence on the passage of public policy. This paper uses state-level data from the child support program between the years 1976-84 to measure the influence of women tokens on the policy process. Using ordered probit models, I explore policy adoption under three configurations: (1) a test of the independent impact of tokens, (2) a dynamic test of the differential impact of tokens and nontokens to analyze potential backlash effects and the potential diffusion of policy preferences, and (3) an interactive test on the potential for tokens to form coalitions. My analysis strongly suggests that tokens make a policy difference independently and to a greater extent than when they are on the cusp of becoming nontokens, but I found less support for the idea that tokens successfully form coalitions to achieve specific policy goals.},
	author = {Crowley, Jocelyn Elise},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Crowley - 2004 - When Tokens Matter.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {109--136},
	title = {{When Tokens Matter}},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.3162/036298004X201113},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.3162/036298004X201113}}

@article{Lewis2000,
	abstract = {A leader's emotional display is proposed to affect his or her audience. In this study, observing a male or female leader express negative emotion was proposed to influence the observer's affective state and assessment of the leader's effectiveness. In a laboratory study, a leader's specific negative emotional tone impacted the affective state of participants in the study. Negative emotional display had a significant and negative main effect on participant assessment of leader effectiveness compared to a more neutral emotional display. Further, a significant interaction between leader gender and emotion was found. Male leaders received lower effectiveness ratings when expressing sadness compared to neutrality, while female leaders received lower ratings when expressing either sadness or anger. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2000 John Wiley {\&} Sons, Ltd.},
	author = {Lewis, Kristi M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1002/(SICI)1099-1379(200003)21:2<221::AID-JOB36>3.0.CO;2-0},
	file = {::},
	issn = {08943796},
	journal = {Journal of Organizational Behavior},
	number = {2},
	pages = {221--234},
	title = {{When leaders display emotion: How followers respond to negative emotional expression of male and female leaders}},
	volume = {21},
	year = {2000},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1099-1379(200003)21:2%3C221::AID-JOB36%3E3.0.CO;2-0}}

@article{Gill2004,
	author = {Gill, Michael J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
	number = {5},
	pages = {619--632},
	title = {{When Information Does Not Deter Stereotyping: Prescriptive Stereotyping Can Foster Bias Under Conditions That Deter Descriptive Stereotyping}},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2004}}

@article{Back2019a,
	abstract = {Do female representatives participate less often in legislative debates, and does it matter which topic is debated? Drawing on the role incongruity theory, we hypothesise that women take the parliamentary floor less often because of the gender stereotypes that are likely to guide the behaviour of party representatives. Such underrepresentation is less likely to be present when debates are dealing with policy areas that can be characterised as feminine. By referring to critical mass theory, we expect women to participate less in debates if they are members of parties with fewer female representatives. The results of an analysis of speechmaking among members of parliament in seven European countries show that female members of parliament are less represented in legislative debates, especially when debates deal with topics that can be characterised as masculine. Furthermore, the effect of gender on speechmaking clearly varies across parties. However, the pattern does not follow the logic derived from critica...},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Conducts speech analysis on MPs in seven European countries 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: women will take the parliamentary floor less often than men because of the gender stereotypes that are likely to guide behaviour  
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: this imbalance is less likely to be the case when debates tackle policy areas that can be characterised as `feminine' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: similar to critical mass theory, would expect would to participate more in debates where there are more women 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: women are less represented in debates, particularly debates on `masculine' topics 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: the effect of gender on speechmaking varies across parties. Women participate more often in parties with greater gender descriptive representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: logic doesn't follow critical mass, female MPs take the floor less often when women participants are numerous 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: measure the number of speeches delivered in parliament in seven European states. Focusing on only one recent legislative period per parliament. Design is based on a most similar model (e.g. parliamentary systems, European, multiparty/coalition governments). But variation shown in that women are represented to varying degrees in parliament 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: look at pages 9-10 for how `feminine' and `masculine' policy areas are coded for 
{\textperiodcentered}      Links to my research: is also comparative in approach and tackles how women behave, however does not look at what they say, only how frequently they participate 
{\textperiodcentered}      Flagging the importance of the study: debates influence the policymaking process significantly as bills are typically debated by MPs before they vote on them (e.g. B{\"{a}}ck and Debus 2016; Proksch and Slapin 2014). Therefore, if debates have an impact on policy-making, or if debates are used by parties to inform or influence the media and the voters, it is important to see how gender matters in these debates (e.g. do women participate on equal footing with men, do they participate differently to men) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Flagging the significance of the study: even when debates do not significantly influence policy outputs, gendered speech patterns may lead to lower legitimacy for the democratic system 
{\textperiodcentered}      Something to consider: tying in debate speaking time to my own analysis? If legislative floor speaking time is sparse, it matters who is getting to speak and whether it is on an equal footing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Gaps in legislative debate literature: downplayed is the analysis of legislative speechmaking in light of MPs' personal characteristics, e.g. gender. Studies exist that look at women's impact on policy outputs, but most overlook the qualitative dimension of gender equality 
{\textperiodcentered}      Note for self: need to consider the importance of parliamentary rules (e.g. how much access does an MP have on the floor. Look at Proksch and Slapin 2014 for this classification). Longevity in parliament is found to be an important control factor -- e.g. MPs who have held seats for longer and more likely to take the floor  
  
Eagly and Karau (2002) role congruity theory of prejudice -- suggests that perceived incongruity between traditional female gender roles and leadership roles leads to prejudice and bias against women in leadership positions. Stereotypes are likely to lead from sex-typical social roles, leading to women experiencing glass ceiling 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``An important proposition of gender incongruity theory is that men are valued as being agentic, are expected to be more assertive, controlling and dominant as well as prone to act as leader, whereas women are expected to be more communal, to be more concerned with the welfare of other people and to be more helpful, nurturing and sensitive (Eagly and Karau, 2002: 574).''},
	author = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Debus, Marc},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:29:07 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/0032321718789358},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}ck, Debus - 2019 - When Do Women Speak A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Gender in Legislative Debates(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0032-3217},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {gender,parliamentary behaviour,representation},
	number = {3},
	pages = {576--596},
	title = {{When Do Women Speak? A Comparative Analysis of the Role of Gender in Legislative Debates}},
	volume = {67},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321718789358}}

@article{Volden2013,
	abstract = {Previous scholarship has demonstrated that female lawmakers differ from their male counterparts by engaging more fully in consensus-building activities. We argue that this behavioral difference does not serve women equally well in all institutional settings. Contentious and partisan activities of male lawmakers may help them outperform women when in a polarized majority party. However, in the minority party, while men may choose to obstruct and delay, women continue to strive to build coalitions and bring about new policies. We find strong evidence that minority party women in the U.S. House of Representatives are better able to keep their sponsored bills alive through later stages of the legislative process than are minority party men, across the 93 rd-110 th Congresses (1973-2008). The opposite is true for majority party women, however, who counterbalance this lack of later success by introducing more legislation. Moreover, while the legislative style of minority party women has served them well consistently across the past four decades, majority party women have become less effective as Congress has become more polarized. T he 1992 congressional elections marked a watershed moment in American electoral history, with far and away the largest influx of women elected into the U.S. Congress. With 48 women elected to the House, and six women sitting in the Senate, 1992 was denoted the "Year of the Woman," with the implicit promise for the 103 rd Congress to produce dramatic policy changes. Were these expectations realistic? Would these new lawmakers be able to effectively turn their ideas and policy goals into the law of the land? Unfortunately, such a question is difficult to answer, in no small part due to the puzzle of conflicting scholarly evidence about the overall effectiveness of female legislators. Some studies show women to be more effective than their male counterparts (e.g., Anzia and Berry 2011; Volden and Wiseman 2011), some less effective (e.g., Lazarus and Steigerwalt 2011), and some equally effective (e.g., Jeydel and Taylor 2003), both within Congress and across U.S. state legislatures (e.g., Bratton and Haynie 1999; Saint-Germain 1989). We argue that such conflicting evidence can be resolved by uniting two disparate literatures on legislative politics. One, focused on gender and legislative behavior, has shown that men and women behave differently in legislative settings. The second fo-cuses on legislative institutions, such as committees and parties, illustrating their importance in bringing about new public policies. Put simply, we argue that the goals and typical legislative styles of women serve them extraordinarily well in some institutional settings, and less well in others. Based on prior research, gender is clearly important in explaining political behavior and legislative},
	annote = {You still need to pull out the sources in the bibliography},
	author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan E. and Wittmer, Dana E.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12010},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Volden, Wiseman, Wittmer - 2013 - When Are Women More Effective Lawmakers Than Men.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {326--341},
	title = {{When Are Women More Effective Lawmakers Than Men?}},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12010}}

@article{Prentice2002,
	abstract = {This article presents a four-category framework to characterize the contents of prescriptive gender stereotypes. The framework distinguishes between prescriptions and proscriptions that are intensified by virtue of one's gender, and those that are relaxed by virtue of one's gender. Two studies examined the utility of this framework for characterizing prescriptive gender stereotypes in American society (Study 1) and in the highly masculine context of Princeton University (Study 2). The results demonstrated the persistence of traditional gender prescriptions in both contexts, but also revealed distinct areas of societal vigilance and leeway for each gender. In addition, they showed that women are seen more positively, relative to societal standards, than are men. We consider the implications of this framework for research on reactions to gender stereotype deviants and sex discrimination.},
	author = {Prentice, Deborah A. and Carranza, Erica},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Prentice, Carranza - 2002 - What Women and Men Should Be, Shouldn't Be, Are Allowed To Be, and Don't Have To Be The Contents of Prescrip.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Psychology of Women Quarterly},
	pages = {269--281},
	title = {{What Women and Men Should Be, Shouldn't Be, Are Allowed To Be, and Don't Have To Be: The Contents of Prescriptive Gender Stereotypes}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {2002}}

@article{Campbell2014,
	abstract = {There has been extensive research into the extent to which voters utilise short cuts based on gender and race stereotypes when evaluating candidates, but relatively little is known about how they respond to other background characteristics. We compare the impact of candidates' sex, religion, age, education, occupation and location/residence through a survey experiment in which respondents rate two candidates based on short biographies. We find small differences in the ratings of candidates in response to sex, religion, age and education cues but more sizeable effects are apparent for the candidate's occupation and place of residence. Even once we introduce a control for political party into our experimental scenarios the effect of candidate's place of residence continues to have a sizeable impact on candidate evaluations. Our research suggests that students of electoral behaviour should pay attention to a wider range of candidate cues.},
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Cowley, Philip},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12048},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Cowley - 2014 - What voters want Reactions to candidate characteristics in a survey experiment.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679248},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {Candidate evaluations,Candidate traits,Survey experiments},
	number = {4},
	pages = {745--765},
	title = {{What voters want: Reactions to candidate characteristics in a survey experiment}},
	volume = {62},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12048}}

@article{Campbell2010,
	abstract = {The UK general election of 2010 should have been a critical one for women. But it was not to be. Despite all of the main political parties claiming to want more women MPs the increase in their number relative to the 2005 Parliament was just 2.5{\%}. Women remain under-represented numerically in the House of Commons, constituting less than one-quarter of all MPs. The election campaign was largely women free too, as women married to politicians gained more attention than women politicians. Moreover, and despite enhanced inter-party competition over the women's vote-or rather, and more accurately, the votes of middle income mothers, otherwise known as the 'mumsnet' vote-women's issues and perspectives were marginalised from the campaign proper.},
	author = {Campbell, Rosie and Childs, Sarah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsq022},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Childs - 2010 - 'Wags', 'Wives' and 'Mothers' ... but what about women politicians.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00312290},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {4},
	pages = {760--777},
	title = {{'Wags', 'Wives' and 'Mothers' ... but what about women politicians?}},
	volume = {63},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsq022}}

@article{Anderson2014,
	abstract = {Vocal fry is speech that is low pitched and creaky sounding, and is increasingly common among young American females. Some argue that vocal fry enhances speaker labor market perceptions while others argue that vocal fry is perceived negatively and can damage job prospects. In a large national sample of American adults we find that vocal fry is interpreted negatively. Relative to a normal speaking voice, young adult female voices exhibiting vocal fry are perceived as less competent, less educated, less trustworthy, less attractive, and less hirable. The negative perceptions of vocal fry are stronger for female voices relative to male voices. These results suggest that young American females should avoid using vocal fry speech in order to maximize labor market opportunities.},
	author = {Anderson, Rindy C. and Klofstad, Casey A. and Mayew, William J. and Venkatachalam, Mohan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0097506},
	file = {::},
	journal = {PLoS ONE},
	number = {5},
	title = {{Vocal Fry May Undermine the Success of Young Women in the Labor Market}},
	url = {www.plosone.org},
	volume = {9},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {www.plosone.org},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0097506}}

@article{Kanthak2010,
	abstract = {Political scientists are keenly interested in how diversity influences politics, yet we know little about how diverse groups of political actors interact. We advance a unified theory of colleague valuation to address this puzzle. The theory explains how minority group size affects how members of a political organization differentially value majority and minority group colleagues, predicting that the effect of preference divergence on individual-level colleague valuation is greatest when the minority group is smallest We test this prediction using member-to-member leadership political action committee (PAC) contributions in the U.S. House of Representatives. The results obtain strong, albeit not uniform, support for the theory, demonstrating that the gender gap in colleague valuations declines as preference divergence increases in all but one instance. In contrast to conventional wisdom, the theory and evidence indicate that women serving in the U. S. House of Representatives receive less support from men colleagues as their ranks increase.},
	annote = {Reread this potentially},
	author = {Kanthak, Kristin and Krause, George A.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00467.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kanthak, Krause - 2010 - Valuing Diversity in Political Organizations Gender and Token Minorities in the U.S. House of Representatives.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1540-5907},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {839--854},
	title = {{Valuing Diversity in Political Organizations: Gender and Token Minorities in the U.S. House of Representatives}},
	volume = {54},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00467.x}}

@article{Roy2016,
	abstract = {In this paper a framework for Automatic Query Expansion (AQE) is proposed using distributed neural language model word2vec. Using semantic and contextual relation in a distributed and unsupervised framework, word2vec learns a low dimensional embedding for each vocabulary entry. Using such a framework, we devise a query expansion technique, where related terms to a query are obtained by K-nearest neighbor approach. We explore the performance of the AQE methods, with and without feedback query expansion, and a variant of simple K-nearest neighbor in the proposed framework. Experiments on standard TREC ad-hoc data (Disk 4, 5 with query sets 301-450, 601-700) and web data (WT10G data with query set 451-550) shows significant improvement over standard term-overlapping based retrieval methods. However the proposed method fails to achieve comparable performance with statistical co-occurrence based feedback method such as RM3. We have also found that the word2vec based query expansion methods perform similarly with and without any feedback information.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {1606.07608},
	author = {Roy, Dwaipayan and Paul, Debjyoti and Mitra, Mandar and Garain, Utpal},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	eprint = {1606.07608},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Roy et al. - 2016 - Using Word Embeddings for Automatic Query Expansion.pdf:pdf},
	title = {{Using Word Embeddings for Automatic Query Expansion}},
	url = {http://arxiv.org/abs/1606.07608},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://arxiv.org/abs/1606.07608}}

@article{Francis2003,
	author = {Francis, Becky and Read, Barbara and Melling, Lindsay and Robson, Jocelyn},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/01425690301891},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Francis et al. - 2003 - University Lecturers' Perceptions of Gender and Undergraduate Writing.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1465-3346},
	journal = {British Journal of Sociology of Education},
	number = {3},
	pages = {357--373},
	title = {{University Lecturers' Perceptions of Gender and Undergraduate Writing}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cbse20},
	volume = {24},
	year = {2003},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cbse20},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01425690301891}}

@article{Godbout2015,
	abstract = {What explains the development of legislative party voting unity? Evidence from the United States and Britain indicate that partisan sorting, cohort replacement effects, electoral incentives, and agenda control contributed to enhancing party cohesion during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Here, these mechanisms are evaluated by analysing a dataset containing all the recorded votes from the Canadian House of Commons, 1867-2011. Overall, we find that partisan sorting and the government's ability to control the agenda are central to the consolidation of parties over time. Our results underscore the need to integrate institutional rules and legislative agendas into models of parliamentary voting behaviour and suggest that strict party discipline can lead to the development of a multi-party system in the legislative arena. The emergence of permanently organized and disciplined political parties represents one of the most important developments in the history of modern parliaments. 1 While there is a vast literature on the influence of parties in the legislative arena today, we lack a clear understanding of how party org1anizations transform over time. Scholars generally agree that as the influence of representative assemblies increased during the nineteenth century, a number of countries began experiencing major political changes that prompted lawmakers to modify their behaviour in the legislature. As a result, parties became increasingly unified, primarily in response to the extension of suffrage and the modernization of the legislative process. 2 Although previous research appears to suggest a direct relationship between parliamentary organization and electoral politics, we find a wide range of competing theories to explain the emergence of party cohesion in the legislative arena. 3 Thus far, scholars have claimed that several different factors, such as the centralization of the leadership structure or the changing ideological preferences of members (either through replacement or socialization), have contributed to an increased number of partisan votes in the British Parliament and American Congress throughout the nineteenth century. 4 And while this trend has been observed in many other established democracies since then, empirical studies of these older cases are scarce and},
	author = {Godbout, Jean-Fran{\c{c}}ois and H{\o}yland, Bj{\o}rn},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123415000368},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Godbout, H{\o}yland - 2015 - Unity in Diversity The Development of Political Parties in the Parliament of Canada, 1867-2011.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	pages = {545--569},
	publisher = {Scarrow},
	title = {{Unity in Diversity? The Development of Political Parties in the Parliament of Canada, 1867-2011}},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=JPS.Datareplicationsetsareavailableathttp://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BJPolS.Onlineappendicesareavailableathttp://dx.doi.org/},
	volume = {47},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=JPS.Datareplicationsetsareavailableathttp://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BJPolS.Onlineappendicesareavailableathttp://dx.doi.org/},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123415000368}}

@article{Lowe2008,
	abstract = {Wordscores is a widely used procedure for inferring policy positions, or scores, for new documents on the basis of scores for words derived from documents with known scores. It is computationally straightforward, requires no distributional assumptions, but has unresolved practical and theoretical problems. In applications, estimated document scores are on the wrong scale and the theoretical development does not specify a statistical model, so it is unclear what assumptions the method makes about political text and how to tell whether they fit particular text analysis applications. The first part of the paper demonstrates that badly scaled document score estimates reflect deeper problems with the method. The second part shows how to understand Wordscores as an approximation to correspondence analysis which itself approximates a statistical ideal point model for words. Problems with the method are identified with the conditions under which these layers of approximation fail to ensure consistent and unbiased estimation of the parameters of the ideal point model.},
	author = {Lowe, Will},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn004},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowe - 2008 - Understanding Wordscores.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	pages = {356--371},
	title = {{Understanding Wordscores}},
	url = {http://faculty.washington.edu/jwilker/559/Lowe.pdf},
	volume = {4},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://faculty.washington.edu/jwilker/559/Lowe.pdf},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn004}}

@article{Eagly2003,
	author = {Eagly, Alice and Johannesen-Schmidt, M. C. and van Engen, M. L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
	number = {4},
	pages = {569--591},
	title = {{Transformational, transactional, and laissez-faire leadership styles: A meta-analysis comparing women and men}},
	volume = {129},
	year = {2003}}

@article{Dunaway2013,
	abstract = {The presidential election of 2008 featured the first truly viable female contender for a major party presidential nomination, and the first Republican female vice presidential candidate. The 2010 primary elections featured female candidates for U.S. Senate and governor, particularly Republican women, while the 2012 election brought a new record for the number of women elected to the Senate. These recent trends are set against a history marked by the underrepresentation of elected women officials in American government (Bradley and Wicks 2011; Carroll 2009; Dolan 2004; Han and Heldman 2007; Lawless and Fox 2005; Sanbonmatsu 2006). With more women from both major parties seeking elected office of all kinds, the question of how female candidates are covered by the news media becomes more pressing and complex. Previous research has established the importance of news coverage to the success of women's bids for office (},
	author = {Dunaway, Johanna and Lawrence, Regina G. and Rose, Melody and Weber, Christopher R.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912913491464},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dunaway et al. - 2013 - Traits versus Issues How Female Candidates Shape Coverage of Senate and Gubernatorial Races(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	number = {3},
	pages = {715--726},
	title = {{Traits versus Issues: How Female Candidates Shape Coverage of Senate and Gubernatorial Races}},
	url = {http://prq.sagepub.com/supplemental/},
	volume = {66},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://prq.sagepub.com/supplemental/},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912913491464}}

@article{Collingwood2011,
	abstract = {Text is becoming a central source of data for social science research. With advances in digitization and open records practices, the central challenge has in large part shifted away from availability to usability. Automated text classification methodologies are becoming increasingly important within political science because they hold the promise of substantially reducing the costs of converting text to data for a variety of tasks. In this paper, we consider a number of questions of interest to prospective users of supervised learning methods, which are appropriate to classification tasks where known categories are applied. For the right task, supervised learning methods can dramatically lower the costs associated with labeling large volumes of textual data while maintaining high reliability and accuracy. Information science researchers devote considerable attention to comparing the performance of supervised learning algorithms and different feature representations, but the questions posed are often less directly relevant to the practical concerns of social science researchers. The first question prospective social science users are likely to ask is-how well do such methods work? The second is likely to be-how much do they cost in terms of human labeling effort? Relatedly, how much do marginal improvements in performance cost? We address these questions in the context of a particular dataset-the Congressional Bills Project-which includes more than 400,000 labeled bill titles (19 policy topics). This corpus also provides opportunities to experiment with varying sample sizes and sampling methodologies. We are ultimately able to locate an accuracy/efficiency sweet spot of sorts for this dataset by leveraging results generated by an ensemble of supervised learning algorithms.},
	author = {Collingwood, Loren and Wilkerson, John},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Collingwood, Wilkerson - 2011 - Tradeoffs in Accuracy and Efficiency in Supervised Learning Methods.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Information Technology and Politics},
	title = {{Tradeoffs in Accuracy and Efficiency in Supervised Learning Methods}},
	url = {https://scholarworks.umass.edu/jitpc2011Retrievedfromhttps://scholarworks.umass.edu/jitpc2011/4},
	volume = {4},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://scholarworks.umass.edu/jitpc2011Retrievedfromhttps://scholarworks.umass.edu/jitpc2011/4}}

@article{Wang2014,
	abstract = {Participation in legislative debates is potentially an important tool for Members of Parliament (MPs) to communicate policy positions and exert influence on the policy process. Yet there are few studies of legislative speech behaviour, and specifically gendered analyses are sparse. This article examines how gender and gender quotas affect speech activity measured in terms of how much MPs speak on the floor of the Ugandan parliament. An original dataset constructed from transcripts of parliamentary debates spanning a ten-year period (1998--2008) is applied in the analyses. Controlling for other possible determinants of speech activity, it is found that, contrary to expectations, there are no significant differences by gender in overall speech activity, but female MPs who hold parliamentary leadership positions speak significantly more than any other group. Differences between female quota MPs and their counterparts in parliament are also ruled out, countering common expectations in the quota literature.},
	author = {Wang, Vibeke},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/00344893.2014.951234},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wang - 2014 - Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates A Growth Curve Analysis of Ugandan MPs' Activity Levels in Plenary.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17494001},
	journal = {Representation},
	number = {3},
	pages = {365--377},
	publisher = {Vibeke Wang},
	title = {{Tracing Gender Differences in Parliamentary Debates: A Growth Curve Analysis of Ugandan MPs' Activity Levels in Plenary Sessions, 1998--2008}},
	volume = {50},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2014.951234}}

@article{Bergvall1999,
	abstract = {The search for explanatory coherence in language and gender research has
fostered a variety of research methods and analyses; this article evaluates
the contributions of the Communities of Practice approach, with its focus on
the constructive practices of a group -- especially mutual engagement of
learning a jointly negotiated practice of gender. Rather than presupposing
gender differences as a starting point, CofP emphasizes the learning and
mutability in gendered linguistic displays across groups; CofP theory thus
naturalizes intragroup variation, not marking it as deviant. However, while
the CofP approach focuses much-needed attention on the social construction
of gender as local and cross-culturally variable, gender research must be
augmented by critical study of two other facets of gender: ideology and
innateness, which are critical components of a more comprehensive theory
of gender for language research. (Community of Practice, gender, ideology,
innateness, difference, dominance, diversity)},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Note to self: refer back to this article if I want to write about historical theories of gender and language 
{\textperiodcentered}      Evaluates the contribution of the Communities of Practice approach, with its focus on the constructive practices of a group -- especially mutual engagement of learning a jointly negotiated practice of gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 274) ``One explanation advanced to account for cognitive and linguistic gender differences comes from sociobiologists and their popular interpreters, who claim that such differences arose and were reified over the millennia in which women were gatherers and men were hunters (e.g. Joseph 1992, Nadeau 1996, Morris 1998).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 277) ``Under the difference approach, women were cited as better conversationalists, for using elicitory strategies that operated to raise the level of conversation for all participants (Jenkins {\&} Cheshire 1990, Cheshire {\&} Jenkins 1991), as well as for seeking rapport, nurturing, or collaborating in language, in contrast to men's one-upmanship (Tannen 1990).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: to arrive at a comprehensive theory of language and gender demands the intersection of both macro- and micro-level analyses (a multi-methodologically approach)},
	author = {Bergvall, Victoria L},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bergvall - 1999 - Toward a comprehensive theory of language and gender.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Language in Society},
	pages = {273--293},
	title = {{Toward a comprehensive theory of language and gender}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.},
	volume = {28},
	year = {1999},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.}}

@article{Puwar2004a,
	abstract = {This article works across disciplines: politics, geography, {\&} social {\&} cultural theory. Issues of space {\&} body are brought to bear on how we think about the question 'making a difference.' By considering difference in terms of the sociospatial impact of the presence of hitherto socially excluded groups, such as women {\&} racialized minorities, the gendered {\&} racialized nature of the body politic {\&} most specifically its 'elite' positions is brought into focus. The coexistence of women {\&} 'black' {\&} Asian MPs in Westminster demonstrates how these 'groups' are both historically {\&} conceptually 'space invaders.' This positionality underlies a series of social processes, which illustrate how their very presence is a disruption as well as a continual negotiation. While accepting the agnostic perspective that there are 'no guarantees' that the arrival of these 'new' bodies will articulate a different politics, in terms of policy outcomes {\&} political debate, this article asserts that the sociological terms of their presence deserves in-depth attention. 79 References. Adapted from the source document.},
	author = {Puwar, Nirmal},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856x.2004.00127.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Puwar - 2004 - Thinking About Making a Difference(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1369-1481},
	journal = {The British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
	month = {feb},
	number = {1},
	pages = {65--80},
	publisher = {SAGE Publications},
	title = {{Thinking About Making a Difference}},
	url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00127.x},
	volume = {6},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00127.x},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2004.00127.x}}

@article{Weinberg2019,
	abstract = {106 national politicians in the UK to examine the impact of these individual characteristics on three alternative political outcomes: the size of a candidate's electoral majority, their lon-gevity as an elected representative and their progression (or not) to frontbench office. On the one hand, it seems that the values of individual politicians make very little impact on their electoral performance at the ballot box. On the other hand, politicians' values seem to impact on both their ability to hold on to office once elected and in turn to make in-role career progression.},
	author = {Weinberg, James},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsz017},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {0},
	pages = {1--23},
	title = {{The Winner Takes It All? A Psychological Study of Political Success among UK Members of Parliament}},
	volume = {00},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz017}}

@article{Back2019,
	abstract = {Parliamentary debates provide an arena where Members of Parliament (MPs) present, challenge, or defend public policies. However, the "plenary bottle-neck" allows the party leadership to decide who participates in a debate. We argue that in this decision the timing of a debate matters: in proximity of elections, the leadership should be concerned with maintaining its brand name and therefore restrict floor access, in particular if the debate is salient for the respective party. We evaluate our hypotheses in a crosscountry study drawing on a novel data set covering all speeches given during one or two legislative terms in six European parliaments. We find that the electoral cycle matters for the distribution of speaking time: Party leaders do restrict parliamentary speechmaking to a smaller number of MPs at the end of the term. This has important implications for our understanding of parliaments as an electoral arena and for our understanding of intraparty politics.},
	author = {B{\"{a}}ck, Hanna and Baumann, Markus and Debus, Marc and M{\"{u}}ller, Jochen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12222},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{a}}ck et al. - 2019 - The Unequal Distribution of Speaking Time in Parliamentary-Party Groups(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {163--193},
	title = {{The Unequal Distribution of Speaking Time in Parliamentary-Party Groups}},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12222}}

@article{Teele2018a,
	abstract = {This paper theorizes three forms of bias that might limit women's representation: outright hostility, double standards, and a double bind whereby desired traits present bigger burdens for women than men. We examine these forms of bias using conjoint experiments derived from several original surveys-a population survey of American voters and two rounds of surveys of American public officials. We find no evidence of outright discrimination or of double standards. All else equal, most groups of respondents prefer female candidates, and evaluate men and women with identical profiles similarly. But on closer inspection, all is not equal. Across the board, elites and voters prefer candidates with traditional household profiles such as being married and having children, resulting in a double bind for many women. So long as social expectations about women's familial commitments cut against the demands of a full-time political career, women are likely to remain underrepresented in politics.},
	author = {Teele, Dawn Langan and Kalla, Joshua and Rosenbluth, Frances},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000217},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Teele, Kalla, Rosenbluth - 2018 - The Ties That Double Bind Social Roles and Women's Underrepresentation in Politics.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {525--541},
	title = {{The Ties That Double Bind: Social Roles and Women's Underrepresentation in Politics}},
	volume = {112},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055418000217}}

@article{Gilardi2015,
	abstract = {This article investigates the supply side of women's political representation by focusing on how the election of female politicians affects the motivation of women to run for office in other units. The analysis relies on an original data set of over 1,500 municipal elections in Switzerland, starting with the first election after the introduction of women's suffrage. In the first election in which women could participate, the election of a woman in a given municipality was associated in the next election with an additional female candidate in 10{\%} of its neighbors. The relationship decreases over time, fades away after 16 years, and is driven primarily by new female candidates in units where no female incumbents are running for reelection. These findings suggest that role models are important for improving women's representation, but only in its early stages. This conclusion could be relevant for understanding the political representation of other underrepresented groups.},
	author = {Gilardi, Fabrizio},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.7910/DVN/26570},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gilardi - 2015 - The Temporary Importance of Role Models for Women's Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {957--970},
	title = {{The Temporary Importance of Role Models for Women's Political Representation}},
	volume = {59},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/26570}}

@article{Slapin2019,
	author = {Slapin, Jonathan B. and Kirkland, Justin H.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12251},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Slapin, Kirkland - 2019 - The Sound of Rebellion Voting Dissent and Legislative Speech in the UK House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0362-9805},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {June},
	pages = {lsq.12251},
	title = {{The Sound of Rebellion: Voting Dissent and Legislative Speech in the UK House of Commons}},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lsq.12251},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/lsq.12251},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12251}}

@book{Karpowitz2014,
	abstract = {Do women participate in and influence meetings equally with men? Does gender shape how a meeting is run and whose voices are heard?The Silent Sexshows how the gender composition and rules of a deliberative body dramatically affect who speaks, how the group interacts, the kinds of issues the group takes up, whose voices prevail, and what the group ultimately decides. It argues that efforts to improve the representation of women will fall short unless they address institutional rules that impede women's voices. Using groundbreaking experimental research supplemented with analysis of school boards, Christopher Karpowitz and Tali Mendelberg demonstrate how the effects of rules depend on women's numbers, so that small numbers are not fatal with a consensus process, but consensus is not always beneficial when there are large numbers of women. Men and women enter deliberative settings facing different expectations about their influence and authority. Karpowitz and Mendelberg reveal how the wrong institutional rules can exacerbate women's deficit of authority while the right rules can close it, and, in the process, establish more cooperative norms of group behavior and more generous policies for the disadvantaged. Rules and numbers have far-reaching implications for the representation of women and their interests. Bringing clarity and insight to one of today's most contentious debates,The Silent Sexprovides important new findings on ways to bring women's voices into the conversation on matters of common concern.},
	address = {Princeton},
	annote = {From Duplicate 1 (The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation {\&} Institutions - Karpowitz, Christopher F; Mendelberg, Tali)

Findings
- (p. 1) Women less likely than men to talk and to influence others when discussing matters of common concern 
- (p. 2) When groups are composed of many women and the group uses majority rule, women's au- thority rises and sometimes equals that of men
- (p. 6) "Our evidence establishes that gender inequality is deep and pervasive despite the steps commonly assumed to guard against it."

Defining gender
- social identity of men/women but also not just a characteristic of the individual - can also be a dimension of the style of interaction between individuals (e.g. more masculine or more feminine) 
- gender can also refer to a setting (e.g. emphasising cooperation or competition) 
- (p. 3) Authority interacts with this: e.g. women can assert authority by speaking more/less and men can support women by validating their speech and supporting what they say 

Key insights from the book
- nature of interaction and how it shapes authority of group members and how their opinion is weighted in discussion
- social identity matters (matters who interacts with who)
- institutions and their procedures deserve a central place in attempts to understand how group dynamics construct authority and how authroity affects group decisions 
- (p. 7) "The gender dynamics of groups play out anywhere people gather and interact with each other in more formal settings."

Methods
- Rely on speech-act theory 
- (p. 6) Uses controlled experiments that randomly vary the conditions of discussion, using many groups. Results are validated within a study fo naturally occurring groups},
	author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali},
	booktitle = {The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation, and Institutions},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg - 2014 - The Silent Sex Gender, Deliberation {\&} Institutions(2).pdf:pdf},
	pages = {1--7},
	publisher = {Princeton University Press},
	title = {{The Silent Sex: Gender, Deliberation {\&} Institutions}},
	year = {2014}}

@book{Rush2001,
	abstract = {Available as UCL ebook.},
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Rush, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{The role of the Member of Parliament since 1868: From Gentlemen to Players}},
	year = {2001}}

@article{Gleason2019a,
	abstract = {Although still a minority, the growing number of women on both the Bench and at the Bar of the U.S. Supreme Court has important implications for judicial decision-making and successful advocacy at the Court. Research in judicial behavior generally focuses on vote direction and the presence of female attorneys in a case. We offer a more nuanced account of how gender impacts both attorney success and judicial decision-making by drawing on work in social and political psychology and utilizing quantitative textual analysis to explore the tension between masculine norms of behavior that are valued in the legal profession and feminine norms of behavior that are expected of women, but devalued in the legal profession. Based on the Court's long-standing disdain for emotional arguments, we examine how the emotional content in 601 party briefs shapes the Court's majority opinions. Our results indicate that male justices evaluate counsel based on their compliance with traditional gender norms-rewarding male counsel for},
	author = {Gleason, Shane A. and Jones, Jennifer J. and McBean, Jessica Rae},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1532673X18766466},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gleason, Jones, McBean - 2019 - The Role of Gender Norms in Judicial Decision-Making at the U.S. Supreme Court The Case of Male and Fema.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Politics Research},
	number = {3},
	pages = {494--529},
	title = {{The Role of Gender Norms in Judicial Decision-Making at the U.S. Supreme Court: The Case of Male and Female Justices}},
	volume = {47},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X18766466}}

@article{Black2015,
	abstract = {The legal brief is a primary vehicle by which lawyers seek to persuade appellate judges.  Despite wide acceptance that briefs are important, empirical scholarship has yet to establish their influence on the Supreme Court or fully explore justices' preferences  regarding  them.   We  argue  emotional  language  conveys  a  lack  of credibility to justices and thereby diminishes the party's likelihood of garnering justices' votes.  The data concur.  Using an automated textual analysis program, we find that parties who employ less emotional language in their briefs are more likely to win a justice's vote, a result that holds even after controlling for other features  correlated  with  success,  such  as  case  quality.   These  findings  suggest advocates seeking to influence judges can enhance their credibility and attract justices' votes by employing measured, objective language.},
	author = {Black, Ryan C. and Hall, Matthew and Owens, Ryan J. and Ringsmuth, Eve},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.2703875},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Black et al. - 2015 - The Role of Emotional Language in Briefs Before the U.S. Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Ssrn},
	keywords = {Briefs,Supreme Court,credibility},
	number = {Fall 2016},
	title = {{The Role of Emotional Language in Briefs Before the U.S. Supreme Court}},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2703875}}

@unpublished{Cettolo2014,
	abstract = {Since the effectiveness of MT adaptation relies on the text repetitiveness, the question on how to measure repetitions in a text naturally arises. This work deals with the issue of looking for and evaluating text features that might help the prediction of the impact of MT adaptation on translation quality. In particular, the repetition rate metric, we recently proposed, is compared to other features employed in very related NLP tasks. The comparison is carried out through a regression analysis between feature values and MT performance gains by dynamically adapted versus non-adapted MT engines, on five different translation tasks. The main outcome of experiments is that the repetition rate correlates better than any other considered feature with the MT gains yielded by the online adaptation, although using all features jointly results in better predictions than with any single feature.},
	address = {Povo, Italy},
	author = {Cettolo, Mauro and Bertoldi, Nicola and Federico, Marcello},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cettolo, Bertoldi, Federico - 2014 - The Repetition Rate of Text as a Predictor of the Effectiveness of Machine Translation Adaptation.pdf:pdf},
	institution = {Fondazione Bruno Kessler},
	title = {{The Repetition Rate of Text as a Predictor of the Effectiveness of Machine Translation Adaptation}},
	year = {2014}}

@article{Lausten2017,
	author = {Lausten, Lasse and Bor, Alexander},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	pages = {96--197},
	title = {{The Relative Weight of Character Traits in Political Candidate Evaluations: Warmth Is More Important than Competence, Leadership and Integrity}},
	volume = {49},
	year = {2017}}

@article{Krupnikov2014,
	abstract = {Are female candidates disproportionately punished for relying on negative campaign ads? While scholars agree that sponsoring negativity works against traditional gender stereotypes, it is less clear how relying on negativity affects voter evaluations of female candidates. In this manuscript we reconsider the relationship between candidate gender and negativity. Relying on theories of conditional stereotype use, we argue that negative ads translate to significantly poorer evaluations for the female candidate when two conditions are met: (1) the female candidate is perceived as the instigator of negativity and (2) she is of a different party than the voter. We test our predictions using an experiment and show that female candidates only face a disproportionate punishment for relying on negativity under our two specific conditions. In contrast, voters are much more forgiving when they believe that a female candidate simply followed her opponent's lead in using negative ads or when negativity is used to promote the voter's party. While our research suggests that-compared to their male counterparts-female candidates do face some added constraints, our findings have broader implications. Not only are voters more or less likely to use gender stereotypes under certain conditions, but these conditions are highly dependent on the campaign context.},
	annote = {This is very useful for both experiment and first part. Return to this article for how to look at mediator variables. Look at the bibliography.},
	author = {Krupnikov, Yanna and Bauer, Nichole M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-013-9221-9},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krupnikov, Bauer - 2014 - The Relationship Between Campaign Negativity, Gender and Campaign Context.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Campaign negativity,Gender {\'{A}}},
	pages = {167--188},
	title = {{The Relationship Between Campaign Negativity, Gender and Campaign Context}},
	volume = {36},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-013-9221-9}}

@article{Tausczik2010,
	abstract = {We are in the midst of a technological revolution whereby, for the first time, researchers can link daily word use to a broad array of real-world behaviors. This article reviews several computerized text analysis methods and describes how Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) was created and validated. LIWC is a transparent text analysis program that counts words in psychologically meaningful categories. Empirical results using LIWC demonstrate its ability to detect meaning in a wide variety of experimental settings, including to show attentional focus, emotionality, social relationships, thinking styles, and individual differences. James J. Bradac (1986, 1999) celebrated the many ways that scientists could simultaneously study both language and human communication. He understood the value of highly controlled laboratory studies and, at the same time, the importance of exploring the ways people naturally talk in the real world. Of particular importance to him, however , was that language research replicates its theories and findings across a wide array of methods and samples. This article draws heavily from Bradac's approach to research by applying a new array of computer-based text analysis tools to the study of everyday language.},
	author = {Tausczik, Yla R. and Pennebaker, James W.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0261927X09351676},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tausczik, Pennebaker - 2010 - The Psychological Meaning of Words LIWC and Computerized Text Analysis Methods.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
	number = {1},
	pages = {24--54},
	title = {{The Psychological Meaning of Words: LIWC and Computerized Text Analysis Methods}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0261927X09351676}}

@article{Okimoto2010,
	abstract = {Two experimental studies examined the effect of power-seeking intentions on backlash toward women in political office. It was hypothesized that a female politician's career progress may be hindered by the belief that she seeks power, as this desire may violate prescribed communal expectations for women and thereby elicit interpersonal penalties. Results suggested that voting preferences for female candidates were negatively influenced by her power-seeking intentions (actual or perceived) but that preferences for male candidates were unaffected by power-seeking intentions. These differential reactions were partly explained by the perceived lack of communality implied by women's power-seeking intentions, resulting in lower perceived competence and feelings of moral outrage. The presence of moral-emotional reactions suggests that backlash arises from the violation of communal prescriptions rather than normative deviations more generally. These findings illuminate one potential source of gender bias in politics.},
	annote = {Summary: experiments examining the effect of power-seeking intentions on backlash towards women in political office. Believed that a female politicians career progress may be hindered by the beleif she seeks power, as this may violate prescribed communal expectations for women 

Findings: results suggested voting preferences for female candidates were negatively influenced by power-seeking intentions (actual or perceived) but that preferences for male candidates were unaffected by power-seeking intentions},
	author = {Okimoto, Tyler G. and Brescoll, Victoria L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0146167210371949},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Okimoto, Brescoll - 2010 - The Price of Power Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0146-1672},
	issn = {01461672},
	journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
	keywords = {Backlash,Gender stereotypes,Intention,Moral outrage,Politics,Power},
	number = {7},
	pages = {923--936},
	pmid = {20519573},
	title = {{The Price of Power: Power Seeking and Backlash Against Female Politicians}},
	volume = {36},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167210371949}}

@book{Proksch2015,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Proksch, Sven-Oliver and Slapin, Jonathan B.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{The Politics of Parliamentary Debate: Parties, Rebels, and Representation}},
	year = {2015}}

@article{Senden2019,
	abstract = {According to Social Role Theory, gender stereotypes are dynamic constructs influenced by actual and perceived changes in what roles women and men occupy (Wood and Eagly, 2011). Sweden is ranked as one of the most egalitarian countries in the world, with a strong national equality discourse and a relatively high number of men engaging in traditionally communal roles such as parenting and domestic tasks. This would imply a perceived change toward higher communion among men. Therefore, we investigated the dynamics of gender stereotype content in Sweden with a primary interest in the male stereotype and perceptions of gender equality. In Study 1, participants (N = 323) estimated descriptive stereotype content of women and men in Sweden in the past, present, or future. They also estimated gender distribution in occupations and domestic roles for each time-point. Results showed that the female stereotype increased in agentic traits from the past to the present, whereas the male stereotype showed no change in either agentic or communal traits. Furthermore, participants estimated no change in gender stereotypes for the future, and they overestimated how often women and men occupy gender non-traditional roles at present. In Study 2, we controlled for participants' actual knowledge about role change by either describing women's increased responsibilities on the job market, or men's increased responsibility at home (or provided no description). Participants (N = 648) were randomized to the three different conditions. Overall, women were perceived to increase in agentic traits, and this change was mediated by perceptions of social role occupation. Men where not perceived to increase in communion but decreased in agency when change focused on women's increased participation in the labor market. These results indicate that role change among women also influence perceptions of the male stereotype. Altogether, the results indicate that social roles might have stronger influence on perceptions of agency than perceptions of communion, and that communion could be harder to incorporate in the male stereotype.},
	author = {Send{\'{e}}n, Marie Gustafsson and Klysing, Amanda and Lindqvist, Anna and Renstr{\"{o}}m, Emma Aurora},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00037},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Send{\'{e}}n et al. - 2019 - The (not so) changing man Dynamic gender stereotypes in Sweden.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {16641078},
	journal = {Frontiers in Psychology},
	keywords = {Agency,Communion,Division of labor,Femininity,Gender stereotypes,Masculinity,Social role theory},
	number = {JAN},
	pages = {1--17},
	title = {{The (not so) changing man: Dynamic gender stereotypes in Sweden}},
	volume = {10},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00037}}

@article{Knobloch-Westerwick2013,
	abstract = {An experiment with 243 young communication scholars tested hypotheses derived from role congruity theory regarding impacts of author gender and gender typing of research topics on perceived quality of scientific publications and collaboration interest. Participants rated conference abstracts ostensibly authored by females or males, with author associations rotated. The abstracts fell into research areas perceived as gender-typed or gender-neutral to ascertain impacts from gender typing of topics. Publications from male authors were associated with greater scientific quality, in particular if the topic was male-typed. Collaboration interest was highest for male authors working on male-typed topics. Respondent sex did not influence these patterns. Keywords gender and science, women in science, public perception of scientists, psychology of communication, culture and science Article},
	author = {Knobloch-Westerwick, Silvia and Glynn, Carroll J. and Huge, Michael},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1075547012472684},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Knobloch-Westerwick, Glynn, Huge - 2013 - The Matilda Effect in Science Communication An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Qualit.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Science Communication},
	number = {5},
	pages = {603--625},
	title = {{The Matilda Effect in Science Communication: An Experiment on Gender Bias in Publication Quality Perceptions and Collaboration Interest}},
	url = {http://www.},
	volume = {35},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1075547012472684}}

@misc{Grace2017,
	author = {Crace, John},
	booktitle = {The Guardian},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{The making of the Maybot: a year of mindless slogans, U-turns and denials}},
	url = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jul/10/making-maybot-theresa-may-rise-and-fall},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jul/10/making-maybot-theresa-may-rise-and-fall}}

@article{Anzia2011,
	abstract = {If voters are biased against female candidates, only the most talented, hardest working female candidates will succeed in the electoral process. Furthermore, ifwomen perceive there to be sex discrimination in the electoral process, or ifthey underestimate their qualifications for office, then only the most qualified, politically ambitious females will emerge as candidates. We argue thatwhen either or both forms ofsex-based selection are present, the women who are elected to office will perform better, on average, than theirmale counterparts. We test this central implication ofour theory by studying the relative success ofmen andwomen in delivering federal spending to their districts and in sponsoring legislation. Analyzing changeswithin districts over time, we find thatcongresswomen secure roughly 9{\%} more spendingfrom federal discretionary programs than congressmen. Women also sponsor and cosponsor significantly more bills than theirmale colleagues. W},
	annote = {General thoughts: the only studies I can really find about effectiveness are U.S. based and use measures that don't really translate to a UK context. Such as delivering federal programme spending to districts, success in producing more legislation},
	author = {Anzia, Sarah F. and Berry, Christopher R.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00512.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anzia, Berry - 2011 - The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect Why Do Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	month = {jul},
	number = {3},
	pages = {478--493},
	title = {{The Jackie (and Jill) Robinson Effect: Why Do Congresswomen Outperform Congressmen?}},
	volume = {55},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00512.x}}

@article{Thomas1991,
	abstract = {Do women in public office make a difference? If so, what kind and under what circum-stances? This study offers preliminary answers to these questions by examining the relationship between the percentage of women in state legislatures and their policy priorities. It also examines the impact women legislators have on overall legislative policy. Findings reveal that women in states with the highest percentages of female representatives introduce and pass more priority bills dealing with issues of women, children, and families than men in their states and more than their female counterparts in low representation legislatures. Moreover, women can successfully diffuse their priorities throughout the legislative process in one of two ways: through high percentages of women in office or through the presence of a formal women's legislative caucus. These findings suggest that women do indeed make a difference and that their capacity to do so is related to the level of support from colleagues. T he past two decades have witnessed a blossoming of research in gender politics. Our knowledge of the nature of sex-based political participation, the gender gap, and women candidates and officeholders has increased rapidly. Despite this proliferation, we still know very little about whether the increased representation of women has had an impact on legislative policies. Considering the widespread findings of a gender gap among officeholders on a variety of issues combined with more recent findings of differences in the policy priorities of female and male legislators, it is possible that a link between level of representation of women and policy priorities has developed. If such a link exists, our understanding of whether, and under what circumstances , women in office make a difference will be significantly enhanced. The goal of this article, therefore, is to test whether increasing the proportions of women in state legislatures is associated with changes in legislative},
	annote = {Not really useful as not about behaviour but policy priorities - but is useful for reinforcing the theory that women have more autonomy when there's more women int he legislature},
	author = {Thomas, Sue},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomas - 1991 - The Impact of Women on State Legislative Policies.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {958--976},
	title = {{The Impact of Women on State Legislative Policies}},
	url = {http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/t-and-c},
	volume = {53},
	year = {1991},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/t-and-c}}

@article{Dolan2010,
	abstract = {In 2009, women are still dramatically underrepresented in elected office in the United States. Though the reasons for this are complex, public attitudes toward this situation are no doubt of importance. While a number of scholars have demonstrated that women candidates do not suffer at the ballot box because of their sex, we should not assume that this means that voter attitudes about gender are irrelevant to politics. Indeed, individual attitudes towards women's representation in government and a desire for greater descriptive representation of women may shape attitudes and behaviors in situations when people are faced with a woman candidate. This project provides a more complete understanding of the determinants of the public's desire (or lack thereof) to see more women in elective office and support them in different circumstances. The primary mechanism proposed to explain these attitudes is gender stereotypes. Gender stereotypes about the abilities and traits of political women and men are clear and well documented and could easily serve to shape an individual's evaluations about the appropriate level and place for women in office. Drawing on an original survey of 1039 U.S. adults, and evaluating both issue and trait stereotypes, I demonstrate the ways in which sex stereotypes do and do not influence public willingness to support women in various electoral situations.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 69) Uses surveys in the U.S. to measure sex stereotypes 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 70) ``Gender stereotypes about the abilities and traits of political women and men are clear and well documented and could easily serve to shape an individual's evaluations about the appropriate level and place for women in office.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 71) ``Numerous experiments and surveys indicate that voters believe female politicians are warmer and more compassionate, better able to handle education, family, and women's issues, and are more liberal, Democratic, and feminist than men (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Burrell 1994; Huddy and Terkildsen 1993a; Kahn 1996; Koch 1999).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women seen as more honest and ethical 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 72) Women seen to have compassion and competence 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 73) Administered a survey to 1039 U.S. adults in September 2007 -- at the time when Nancy Pelosi had been Speaker for about 9 months and Hillary Clinton's campaign was beginning
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 74) For trait preferences people was asked if women or men candidates and officeholders tended to be more assertive, compassionate, consensus-building, or ambitious},
	author = {Dolan, Kathleen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-009-9090-4},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dolan - 2010 - The Impact of Gender Stereotyped Evaluations on Support for Women Candidates.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	pages = {69--88},
	title = {{The Impact of Gender Stereotyped Evaluations on Support for Women Candidates}},
	volume = {32},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-009-9090-4}}

@article{Szmer2013,
	author = {Szmer, John and Kaheny, Erin B and Sarver, Tammy and Decamillis, Mason},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/1554477X.2013.747898},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Szmer et al. - 2013 - The Impact of Attorney Gender on Decision Making in the United States Courts of Appeals.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Women, Politics {\&} Policy},
	number = {1},
	pages = {72--100},
	title = {{The Impact of Attorney Gender on Decision Making in the United States Courts of Appeals}},
	volume = {34},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2013.747898}}

@article{Aydelotte1954,
	author = {Aydelotte, W. O.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aydelotte - 1954 - The House of Commons in the 1840s.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {History},
	number = {137},
	pages = {249--262},
	title = {{The House of Commons in the 1840s }},
	volume = {39},
	year = {1954}}

@book{Holmes2003,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Holmes, Janet and Meyerhoff, Miriam},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Blackwell Publishing},
	title = {{The Handbook of Language and Gender}},
	year = {2003}}

@misc{Childs2019,
	author = {Childs, Sarah},
	booktitle = {The Constitution Unit},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{The Good Parliament: what kind of Speaker do we need?}},
	url = {https://constitution-unit.com/2019/10/01/the-good-parliament-what-kind-of-speaker-do-we-need/{\#}more-8486},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://constitution-unit.com/2019/10/01/the-good-parliament-what-kind-of-speaker-do-we-need/%7B%5C#%7Dmore-8486}}

@book{Childs2016,
	address = {Bristol},
	annote = {Trial new formats for Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 36) ``frequently regarded as the epitome of the masculinised style of the House of Commons -- `willy-jousting' par excellence: `feisty', `raucous', `gladiatorial' and `rowdy'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``On the other side of the argument, studies point out that little of substance is gained from the questions asked, answered, or avoided.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``So what might be done? At present it is for the Speaker to police aberrant behaviour: `offensive behaviour, abuse and heckling should be addressed, as having to shout in order to be heard above the noise did not appear to be in keeping with a modern democracy'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Amending the current practice, backbenchers could be heard in silence when asking their question.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Any MP not respecting this could be asked to apologise, and if the behaviour is repeated by that MP or another of the same party, the MP could be asked to leave the Chamber for the duration of PMQs or put in a `sin bin', as the Hansard Society has suggested.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Then there are alternative or additional formats which could challenge the pattern of `scrutiny by screech': backbenchers -- drawn by lot -- could hold a more deliberative Committee session with the PM; more radically still, public questions could be gathered via YouTube, or the PM might be questioned by the public on internet TV.''},
	author = {Childs, Sarah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2016 - The Good Parliament.pdf:pdf},
	institution = {University of Bristol},
	publisher = {University of Bristol},
	title = {{The Good Parliament}},
	year = {2016}}

@article{Wang2013,
	abstract = {In this article, we use a sample of Norwegian quoted companies in the period of 2001-2010 to explore whether the gender quota requiring 40 {\%} female directors on corporate boards changes the likelihood of women being appointed to top leadership roles as board chairs or corporate CEOs. Our empirical results indicate that the gender quota and the resulting increased representation of female directors provide a fertile ground for women to take top leadership positions. The presence of female board chairs is positively associated with female directors' independence status, age and qualification, whilst the presence of female CEOs is positively related to the average qualification of female directors. Firms with older and better educated female directors are more likely to appoint female board chairs. The likelihood of female CEOs' appointment increases with the percentage of independent directors and directors' qualifications, especially those for female directors. Furthermore, the gender gaps with respect to qualification, board interlocks and nationality between female and male board chairs vanishes after Norwegian companies' full compliance to the quota in January 2008. However, the gender quota has no significant impact on the gender gaps between female and male directors after its full compliance. Our article thereby contributes to understanding how gender quotas, presence of female directors, percentage of female directors on boards and other board characteristics can determine the gender of top leaders of organizations.},
	author = {Wang, Mingzhu and Kelan, Elisabeth},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s10551-012-1546-5},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wang, Kelan - 2013 - The Gender Quota and Female Leadership Effects of the Norwegian Gender Quota on Board Chairs and CEOs.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Business Ethics},
	pages = {449--466},
	title = {{The Gender Quota and Female Leadership: Effects of the Norwegian Gender Quota on Board Chairs and CEOs}},
	volume = {117},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-012-1546-5}}

@article{Ross2013,
	abstract = {In the months leading up to the 2010 British General Election, pundits were claiming that women would be specifically targeted by all political parties. However, this focus never materialized and it was just more business as usual but with the added novelty of televised leaders' debates, which meant that coverage was more male ordered than ever. The study on which this article is based monitored articles published in the four weeks leading up to election day across twelve newspapers, comprising a mix of dailies and weekend editions, broadsheets and midmarket, and tabloid titles. The study concentrated on articles that had the election as the main story and which mentioned or sourced one or more candidates, both MPs seeking reelection, and Parliamentary Candidates. We were interested in exploring (any) differences in the news coverage of women and men candidates, looking at both frequency and content. Our findings suggest that women were much less likely to feature in news stories than men, even when controlling for Party Leader coverage. Women were much more likely to be mentioned or quoted in feature articles focused explicitly on gender issues, made interesting because of their sex and couture rather than their political abilities and experience. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2013.},
	author = {Ross, Karen and Evans, Elizabeth and Harrison, Lisa and Shears, Mary and Wadia, Khursheed},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1940161212457814},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ross et al. - 2013 - The Gender of News and News of Gender A Study of Sex, Politics, and Press Coverage of the 2010 British General E(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19401612},
	journal = {International Journal of Press/Politics},
	keywords = {election campaign,gender,newspapers},
	number = {1},
	pages = {3--20},
	title = {{The Gender of News and News of Gender: A Study of Sex, Politics, and Press Coverage of the 2010 British General Election}},
	volume = {18},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161212457814}}

@book{Helgesen1995,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Helgesen, Sally},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {0385419112},
	pages = {272},
	publisher = {Doubleday Currency},
	title = {{The Female Advantage: Women's Ways of Leadership}},
	year = {1995}}

@book{Cox1987,
	abstract = {This is available as an e-book in the library.},
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Cox, Gary W.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{The Efficient Secret: The Cabinet and the Development of Political Parties in Victorian England}},
	year = {1987}}

@article{Robinson1989,
	abstract = {This study examined: (1) how violations in turn-taking, le., interruption , are perceived, (2) whether attributions toward an interrupter vary according to gender and status, and (3) how individuals who adopt cross-sex interruptive styles are seen. Subjects listened to a four-minute audiotape of a conversation and rated conversants on masculinity, femininity, competence, sociability, attractiveness, and traditionality. Sex of interrupter, style of interruption (statement, question, no interruption), and status were varied. Results suggest that interruption leads to negative personality attributions. Interrupters were seen as less sociable and more assertive than individuals who did not interrupt. They were also perceived as more masculine and less feminine than those who did not interrupt. Few sex differences emerged, indicating that women who interrupt are not penalized relative to men.},
	author = {Robinson, Laura F and Reis, Harry T},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Robinson, Reis - 1989 - The Effects of Interruption, Gender and Status on Interpersonal Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Nonverbal Behavior},
	number = {3},
	pages = {141--153},
	title = {{The Effects of Interruption, Gender and Status on Interpersonal Perceptions}},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007{\%}2FBF00987046.pdf},
	volume = {13},
	year = {1989}}

@article{Bauer2017,
	abstract = {Voters do not associate female candidates with feminine stereotypes, but voters also do not associate female candidates with the qualities most valued in political leaders such as experience and knowledge. Current research offers conflicting conclusions on whether female candidates benefit from breaking with feminine norms or face a backlash for being too aggressive and not likable enough. Using a series of experiments, I show how counterstereotypic gender strategies, including women emphasizing masculine trait competencies, improve evaluations of female candidates along both masculine and feminine leadership dimensions. These results offer novel insights into how female candidates can overcome perceptual deficits among voters that they lack critical masculine leadership qualities. I also show that female candidates can overcome these biases without losing on traditional feminine strengths such as warmth and likability. However, counterstereotypic female candidates can face a ``likability'' backlash from out-partisan voters. These findings suggest counterstereotypes may be more beneficial for female candidates in a primary election context when voters are copartisans rather than general elections where candidates often need cross-partisan support.},
	author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:31:02 +0100},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12351},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2017 - The Effects of Counterstereotypic Gender Strategies on Candidate Evaluations.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679221},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	number = {2},
	pages = {279--295},
	title = {{The Effects of Counterstereotypic Gender Strategies on Candidate Evaluations}},
	volume = {38},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12351}}

@article{Nixon1999,
	author = {Nixon, Lucia A. and Robinson, Michael D.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Nixon, Robinson - 1999 - The Educational Attainment of Young Women Role Model Effects of Female High School.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Demography},
	number = {2},
	pages = {185--194},
	title = {{The Educational Attainment of Young Women: Role Model Effects of Female High School}},
	volume = {36},
	year = {1999}}

@book{Pennebaker2015,
	abstract = {Friction stir welding (FSW) of dissimilar Al 6061 and TRIP 780/800 steel has been performed under different process parameters, including tool rotational speed, welding speed as well as the relative position of the tool axis to the abutting edge. Temperature and mechanical welding force was recorded during the process. Welding speed has an insignificant effect on either the maximum temperature or welding force. However, it can directly change the length of high temperature duration, which will accordingly influence temperature distribution in the weld and the microstructure. Higher rotational speed can effectively elevate weld temperature through greater amount of heat input. Metallurgical observations on weld cross sections perpendicular to the joint line was performed using both optical and scanning electron microscope. Microstructure evolution was analyzed and related to the force and temperature measurement results during the FSW process. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 by ASME.},
	address = {Austin, US},
	annote = {This will be useful for introducing LIWC in the methods paper - can cite it.

Speaks about how it works - in the QTA section of the methods paper it would be good to reference this.},
	author = {Pennebaker, James W. and Boyd, Ryan L. and Jordan, Kayla and Blackburn, Kate},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1115/msec2014-3991},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pennebaker et al. - 2015 - The development and psychometric properties of LIWC2015(2).pdf:pdf},
	publisher = {University of Texas at Austin},
	title = {{The development and psychometric properties of LIWC2015}},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1115/msec2014-3991}}

@book{Pennebaker2007,
	address = {Austin, US},
	author = {Pennebaker, James W. and Chung, Cindy K. and Ireland, Molly and Gonzales, Amy and Booth, Roger J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pennebaker et al. - 2007 - The Development and Psychometric Properties of LIWC2007(2).pdf:pdf},
	publisher = {University of Texas at Austin},
	title = {{The Development and Psychometric Properties of LIWC2007}},
	year = {2007}}

@incollection{Aldrich2000,
	abstract = {For some time, we have sought to develop and test a theory of the role of parties in the Congress (particularly in the House), which we have called "conditional party government".1 In this paper we want continue the development of that theory by presenting some amplifications of the argument and by offering some systematic evidence about one aspect of it. In particular, we will be juxtaposing our views and results to those represented in the work of Keith Krehbiel (1991, 1993, 1998), one of the main skeptics about our analysis. The central issue in contention is whether the influence of the majority and minority parties on members' behavior and on legislative outcomes is symmetric, or whether the majority has disproportionate impact.},
	address = {Washington, DC},
	author = {Aldrich, John H. and Rohde, David W.},
	booktitle = {Polarized Politics Congress and the President in a Partisan Era},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	editor = {Bond, J. and Fleisher, R.},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aldrich, Rohde - 2000 - The Consequences of Party Organization in the House The Role of the Majority and Minority Parties in Conditional.pdf:pdf},
	pages = {31--72},
	publisher = {CQ Press},
	title = {{The Consequences of Party Organization in the House: The Role of the Majority and Minority Parties in Conditional Party Government}},
	year = {2000}}

@article{Mo2015,
	abstract = {How much does a voter's attitude towards female versus male leadership manifest itself at the ballot box and when does information regarding candidate qualifications or the lack thereof matter in this relationship? I conduct an in-depth survey, which includes a vote choice experiment randomizing the sex of the more qualified candidate, a novel gender and leadership Implicit Association Test, and a measure of explicit gender attitudes to explore this question. I find that the propensity to pick a female candidate increases as explicit and implicit attitudes against female leadership decrease, suggesting that traditional explicit measures underestimate the effects of gender attitudes and miss a key dimension of people's preferences. Gender attitudes in the electoral process remain consequential, but have grown subtler, which is missed when only assessing people's self-reported explicit attitudes. Fortunately, the effects of voters' gender attitudes can be attenuated by candidate qualification information; however, it does not rid the effects of gender on vote choice uniformly. People who explicitly state a preference for male leaders do not respond to individuating information, even if the female candidate is clearly more qualified than her male counterpart. However, people who implicitly prefer male leaders, but explicitly state being gender-equitable respond to individuating information and tend to select the more qualified candidate regardless of the can-didate's sex. The study points to the significance of dual process account of reasoning acknowledging that individuals operate on two levels, System 1 (automatic and implicit) and System 2 (effortful and explicit)-in understanding voting behavior.},
	author = {Mo, Cecilia Hyunjung},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-014-9274-4},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mo - 2015 - The Consequences of Explicit and Implicit Gender Attitudes and Candidate Quality in the Calculations of Voters.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	pages = {357--395},
	title = {{The Consequences of Explicit and Implicit Gender Attitudes and Candidate Quality in the Calculations of Voters}},
	volume = {37},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-014-9274-4}}

@article{Dale1949,
	author = {Dale, Edgar and Chall, Jeanne},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Elementary English},
	number = {1},
	pages = {19--26},
	title = {{The Concept of Readability}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {1949}}

@book{Martindale1990,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Martindale, Colin},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Basic Books},
	title = {{The clockwork muse: The predictability of artistic change}},
	year = {1990}}

@article{Schneider2019,
	author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Bos, Angela L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12573},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider, Bos - 2019 - The Application of Social Role Theory to the Study of Gender in Politics.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0162-895X},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	number = {1},
	pages = {173--213},
	title = {{The Application of Social Role Theory to the Study of Gender in Politics}},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12573}}

@article{Grimmer2013,
	abstract = {Politics and political conflict often occur in the written and spoken word. Scholars have long recognized this, but the massive costs of analyzing even moderately sized collections of texts have hindered their use in political science research. Here lies the promise of automated text analysis: it substantially reduces the costs of analyzing large collections of text. We provide a guide to this exciting new area of research and show how, in many instances, the methods have already obtained part of their promise. But there are pitfalls to using automated methods-they are no substitute for careful thought and close reading and require extensive and problem-specific validation. We survey a wide range of new methods, provide guidance on how to validate the output of the models, and clarify misconceptions and errors in the literature. To conclude, we argue that for automated text methods to become a standard tool for political scientists, methodologists must contribute new methods and new methods of validation.},
	author = {Grimmer, Justin and Stewart, Brandon M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mps028},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grimmer, Stewart - 2013 - Text as Data The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	pages = {267--297},
	title = {{Text as Data: The Promise and Pitfalls of Automatic Content Analysis Methods for Political Texts}},
	volume = {21},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps028}}

@article{Brooks2011,
	abstract = {Many have speculated that voters hold double standards for male and female political candidates that disadvantage women. One common assumption is that female candidates are penalized disproportionately for displays of crying and anger; however, the field lacks a theoretical or empirical foundation for examining this matter. The first half of this article establishes the theoretical basis for how emotional displays are likely to influence evaluations of female versus male candidates. Using a large-N, representative sample of U.S. adults, the second half tests these dynamics experimentally. The main finding is that, contrary to conventional wisdom, no double standard exists for emotionality overall: male and female candidates are similarly penalized for both anger and crying. There are, however, different responses to the tears of male and female candidates depending on whether the respondent is a man or woman.},
	annote = {Really nice study. Look at the bibliography for it!},
	author = {Brooks, Deborah Jordan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0022381611000053},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brooks - 2011 - Testing the Double Standard for Candidate Emotionality Voter Reactions to the Tears and Anger of Male and Female Politic.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {597--615},
	title = {{Testing the Double Standard for Candidate Emotionality: Voter Reactions to the Tears and Anger of Male and Female Politicians}},
	volume = {73},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381611000053}}

@article{Holman2016,
	abstract = {How does the threat of terrorism affect evaluations of female (vs. male) political leaders, and do these effects vary by the politician's partisanship? Using two national surveys, we document a propensity for the U.S. public to prefer male Republican leadership the most in times of security threat, and female Democratic leadership the least. We theorize a causal process by which terrorist threat influences the effect of stereotypes on candidate evaluations conditional on politician partisanship. We test this framework with an original experiment:a nationally representative sample was presented with a mock election that varied the threat context and the gender and partisanship of the candidates. We find that masculine stereotypes have a negative influence on both male and female Democratic candidates in good times (thus reaffirming the primacy of party stereotypes), but only on the female Democratic candidate when terror threat is primed. Republican candidates---both male and female---are unaffected by masculine stereotypes, regardless of the threat environment.},
	author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Merolla, Jennifer L. and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912915624018},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1065912915624018.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10659129},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {experiments,gender,partisanship,public opinion,terrorism,threat},
	number = {1},
	pages = {134--147},
	title = {{Terrorist Threat, Male Stereotypes, and Candidate Evaluations}},
	volume = {69},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912915624018}}

@article{Holman2019,
	abstract = {The 2016 U.S. election provides the opportunity to assess how gender, party, and experience shape candidate evaluations when terrorist threat is elevated. The presidential contest featured the first woman major party nominee (Hillary Clinton), a major party nominee without political experience (Donald Trump), and terrorism was salient. We argue that security threats dampen public confidence in Democratic women running for office, yet an experience advantage could countervail against those tendencies. We test expectations using the 2016 ANES and two experimental studies. We first affirm that individuals worried about terrorism held lower evaluations of Clinton and higher evaluations of Trump. We then test an active manipulation of the salience of national security experience and find that it mitigates Clinton's disadvantage, but only in the absence of a counter-message. The results underscore the difficulty that Democratic women face in overcoming the negative influence of party and gender stereotypes when running for office in times of terrorist threat.},
	author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Merolla, Jennifer L. and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J. and Wang, Ding},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2019.03.009},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1-s2.0-S0261379418302993-main.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	number = {March},
	pages = {102033},
	publisher = {Elsevier},
	title = {{Terrorism, gender, and the 2016 U.S. presidential election}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2019.03.009},
	volume = {61},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2019.03.009}}

@article{Jones2016,
	author = {Jones, Jennifer J},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1537592716001092},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jones - 2016 - Talk Like a Man The Linguistic Styles of Hillary Clinton, 1992-2013(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
	number = {3},
	pages = {625--642},
	title = {{Talk "Like a Man": The Linguistic Styles of Hillary Clinton, 1992-2013}},
	volume = {14},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592716001092}}

@article{Moser2014,
	author = {Moser, Scott and Reeves, Andrew},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Moser, Reeves - 2014 - Taking the Leap Voting, Rhetoric, and the Determinants of Electoral Reform.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {4},
	pages = {467--502},
	title = {{Taking the Leap: Voting, Rhetoric, and the Determinants of Electoral Reform}},
	volume = {39},
	year = {2014}}

@article{Franceschet2014,
	abstract = {This article investigates whether and how gender shapes access to elite political networks, using the case of Argentina, the first country in the world to adopt a national-level quota law in 1991. Quotas have significantly improved women's access to elected office, without altering either the gendered hierarchies or gendered power networks that govern political advancement. We find that while men and women elected to the national congress have considerable political experience, men are more likely to have held executive office, particularly posts that provide access to resources that sustain clientelism. We further find that female legislators are less likely to be married and have children than male legislators, indicating that women's domestic responsibilities circumscribe their political careers.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Investigates whether gender shapes access to political networks in Argentina 
{\textperiodcentered}      Quotas have significantly improved women's access to elected office, without altering either the gendered hierarchies or gendered power networks that govern political advancement 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: while men and women elected to the national congress have considerable political experience, men are more likely to have held executive office, particularly posts that provide access to resources that sustain clinetelism 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female legislators are less likely to be married and have children than male legislators, indicating that women's domestic responsibilities circumscribe their political careers},
	author = {Franceschet, Susan and Piscopo, Jennifer M},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414013489379},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Franceschet, Piscopo - 2014 - Sustaining Gendered Practices Power, Parties, and Elite Political Networks in Argentina.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	keywords = {Argentina,candidate backgrounds,gender,legislative politics,political recruitment,women},
	number = {1},
	pages = {85--110},
	title = {{Sustaining Gendered Practices? Power, Parties, and Elite Political Networks in Argentina}},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0010414013489379},
	volume = {47},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0010414013489379},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414013489379}}

@book{Firth1957,
	address = {New Jersey, US},
	author = {Firth, John Rupert},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell},
	title = {{Studies in Linguistic Analysis}},
	year = {1957}}

@article{Holman2018,
	abstract = {Collaboration plays a key role in crafting good public policy. We use a novel data set of over 140,000 pieces of legislation considered in US state legislatures in 2015 to examine the factors associated with women's collaboration with each other. We articulate a theory that women's collaboration arises from opportunity structures, dictated by an interaction of individual and institutional characteristics. Examining the effect of a combination of characteristics, we find support for an interactive view of institutions, where women's caucuses accelerate collaboration in Democratic-controlled bodies and as the share of women increases. Collaboration between women also continues in the face of increased polarization in the presence of a caucus, but not absent one. Our findings speak to the long-term consequences of electing women to political office, the importance of institutions and organizations in shaping legislative behavior, and the institutionalization of gender in politics.},
	author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Mahoney, Anna},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12199},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holman, Mahoney - 2018 - Stop, Collaborate, and Listen Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	keywords = {US politics,bill sponsorship,caucuses,collaboration,state legislatures,women and politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {179--206},
	title = {{Stop, Collaborate, and Listen: Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures}},
	volume = {43},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12199}}

@article{roberts2014stm,
	author = {Roberts, Margaret E and Stewart, Brandon M and Tingley, Dustin and Others},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Journal of Statistical Software},
	number = {2},
	pages = {1--40},
	title = {{stm: R package for structural topic models}},
	volume = {10},
	year = {2014}}

@article{Rudman2012,
	abstract = {Agentic female leaders risk social and economic penalties for behaving counter-stereotypically (i.e., backlash; Rudman, 1998), but what motivates prejudice against female leaders? The status incongruity hypothesis (SIH) proposes that agentic women are penalized for status violations because doing so defends the gender hierarchy. Consistent with this view, Study 1 found that women are proscribed from dominant, high status displays (which are reserved for leaders and men); Studies 2-3 revealed that prejudice against agentic female leaders was mediated by a dominance penalty; and in Study 3, participants' gender system-justifying beliefs moderated backlash effects. Study 4 found that backlash was exacerbated when perceivers were primed with a system threat. Study 5 showed that only female leaders who threatened the status quo suffered sabotage. In concert, support for the SIH suggests that backlash functions to preserve male dominance by reinforcing a double standard for power and control.},
	author = {Rudman, Laurie A and Moss-Racusin, Corinne A and Phelan, Julie E and Nauts, Sanne},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2011.10.008},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudman et al. - 2012 - Status incongruity and backlash effects Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
	pages = {165--179},
	title = {{Status incongruity and backlash effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders}},
	url = {https://ac.els-cdn.com/S0022103111002514/1-s2.0-S0022103111002514-main.pdf?{\_}tid=fb2fff9f-207e-46b2-bad8-ed6da9a979e6{\&}acdnat=1539357588{\_}4fb04e1eb389a9516a43a1ddd7c1403f},
	volume = {48},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://ac.els-cdn.com/S0022103111002514/1-s2.0-S0022103111002514-main.pdf?%7B%5C_%7Dtid=fb2fff9f-207e-46b2-bad8-ed6da9a979e6%7B%5C&%7Dacdnat=1539357588%7B%5C_%7D4fb04e1eb389a9516a43a1ddd7c1403f},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2011.10.008}}

@article{carpenter2017stan,
	author = {Carpenter, Bob and Gelman, Andrew and Hoffman, Matthew D and Lee, Daniel and Goodrich, Ben and Betancourt, Michael and Brubaker, Marcus and Guo, Jiqiang and Li, Peter and Riddell, Allen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:33:47 +0100},
	journal = {Journal of Statistical Software},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--32},
	title = {{Stan: A probabilistic programming language}},
	volume = {76},
	year = {2017}}

@article{Brouwer1979,
	abstract = {Over the last few years the methods and techniques used in sociolinguistics have aroused keen interest and have continually been improved. Yet the claims that have been made about differences of degree between the language used by women and that used by men are often based on research methods which seem to be anything but reliable. On the basis of a corpus of 587 utterances produced in buying a train ticket, an investigation was made of whether there is a statistically significant difference between women and men in certain aspects of their language use which have been mentioned in the literature: the number of words used to deal with a set task, diminutives, civilities, forms of language expressing insecurity (repetitions, hesitations, self-corrections, requests for information). In addition to the independent variable of sex of speaker, three other variables were introduced: sex of addressee, age of speaker, and time of ticket purchase (rush-hour or normal). The results of our investigation indicate that there are few significant differences between the language used by women and that used by men in this particular situation, with regard to the variables mentioned above. As a consequence, this investigation has demonstrated once again that intuitions should be considered critically. It is remarkable, however, that sex of addressee seems to affect almost all of the variables under consideration. Consequently , the results strongly suggest that anyone who wants to investigate language by means of interviews must take into account the fact that the kind' [1] This article interprets the results of an investigation carried out by the members of the seminar on 'Language and sex', held at the Institute of General Linguistics of the University of Amsterdam in 1976-7. Participating in the seminar were:},
	author = {Brouwer, D{\'{e}}d{\'{e}} and Gerritsen, Marinel and {De Haan}, Dorian},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0047404500005935},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brouwer, Gerritsen, De Haan - 1979 - Speech differences between women and men on the wrong track.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Language in Society},
	number = {1},
	pages = {33--50},
	title = {{Speech differences between women and men on the wrong track?}},
	volume = {8},
	year = {1979},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0047404500005935}}

@article{Utych2019,
	abstract = {I examine how a politician's speaking style influences how voters evaluate the candidate. I argue that, above and beyond the content of the message, how a candidate conveys the message has important effects for voter evaluations of the candidate. I focus on two speaking styles: a powerful, straightforward and direct speaking style, and a powerless style, marked by hesitations, hedging and questions. Using original experimental data, I find that candidates who adopt a powerful speaking style in a debate are evaluated more favorably than those with a powerless speaking style. I also find that this effect is somewhat dependent upon the speaker's gender -- women are penalized more than men for adopting a powerless speaking style. Among female participants, the gender gap in evaluations is eliminated for women who adopt a powerful, but not a powerless, speaking style. Among male participants, however, the gender gap exists regardless of speaking style. I additionally find that powerless speaking style makes candidates more likely to be interrupted in the},
	author = {Utych, Stephen M},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/21565503.2019.1629317},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Utych - 2019 - Speaking style and candidate evaluations.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {2156-5511},
	journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
	title = {{Speaking style and candidate evaluations}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rpgi20},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rpgi20},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2019.1629317}}

@article{Osborn2010,
	abstract = {Research on women as legislators contends that through their unique status as both women and legislators, women representatives have distinct policy interests that help them to substantively represent women as a group with their actions in the legislative chamber. We test this assertion using the floor speeches of women and men in the US Senate to determine if women senators as a group express different policy preferences in this aspect of Senate participation. Through content analysis of floor speeches in the 106th Senate (1999--2000), we find women do speak more about policy concerns with direct relevance to women, such as women's health and family issues. These findings indicate that women senators, previously understudied, do represent women's interests in this chamber.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Examine through floor speeches whether women and men express different policy preferences in speeches on the Senate floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: content analysis of floor speeches in the Senate (1999-2000) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women speak more about policy concerns with direct relevance to women, such as women's health and family issues. This indicates that women senators do represent women's issues in the chamber 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women bring different backgrounds and gender role socialisation experiences from men into the legislatures with then, and therefore they have different policy interests and goals as women within the legislature 
{\textperiodcentered}      The assumption that women in any legislative chamber automatically represent the same `essence' of being a woman overlooks the plurality of perspectives women may bring to the legislative chamber from their gender role socialisation (Mansbridge 2005) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: automated content analysis, used controls such as committee memberships},
	author = {Osborn, Tracy and Mendez, Jeanette Morehouse},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/15544770903501384},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osborn, Mendez - 2010 - Speaking as women Women and floor speeches in the Senate.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1554-477X},
	issn = {1554477X},
	journal = {Journal of Women, Politics and Policy},
	number = {1},
	pages = {1--21},
	title = {{Speaking as women: Women and floor speeches in the Senate}},
	volume = {31},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/15544770903501384}}

@article{Bischof2018,
	abstract = {Which parties use simple language in their campaign messages, and do simple campaign messages resonate with voters' information about parties? This study introduces a novel link between the language applied during election campaigns and citizens' ability to position parties in the ideological space. To this end, how complexity of campaign messages varies across parties as well as how it affects voters' knowledge about party positions is investigated. Theoretically, it is suggested that populist parties are more likely to simplify their campaign messages to demarcate themselves from mainstream competitors. In turn, voters should perceive and process simpler campaign messages better and, therefore, have more knowledge about the position of parties that communicate simpler campaign messages. The article presents and validates a measure of complexity and uses it to assess the language of manifestos in Austria and Germany in the period 1945-2013. It shows that political parties, in general, use barely comprehensible language to communicate their policy positions. However, differences between parties exist and support is found for the conjecture about populist parties as they employ significantly less complex language in their manifestos. Second, evidence is found that individuals are better able to place parties in the ideological space if parties use less complex campaign messages. The findings lead to greater understanding of mass-elite linkages during election campaigns and have important consequences for the future analysis of manifesto data.},
	author = {Bischof, Daniel and Senninger, Roman},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12235},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bischof, Senninger - 2018 - Simple politics for the people Complexity in campaign messages and political knowledge(3).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	pages = {473--495},
	title = {{Simple politics for the people? Complexity in campaign messages and political knowledge}},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12235}}

@article{Bauer2019,
	abstract = {Existing empirical research finds that female candidates have higher levels of qualifications for political office compared to male candidates. An untested assumption behind this finding is that female candidates must have stronger qualifications to overcome feminine stereotypes that characterize women as ill qualified for leadership positions. I test this assumption by drawing on psychology research to develop a theory that explains how a candidate's sex affects the way voters evaluate the qualifications of political candidates. Using innovative survey experiments, the results show that, across multiple experiments, voters hold female candidates, relative to male candidates, to more stringent qualification standards, and these higher standards limit the ability of female candidates to secure electoral support. These findings uncover a subtle but pernicious source of bias facing female candidates. The implications speak to how candidate sex affects voter decision-making and the ability of democratic institutions to select the best candidates for leadership.},
	author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1086/705817},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2019 - Shifting Standards How Voters Evaluate the Qualifications of Female and Male Candidates.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {1},
	title = {{Shifting Standards: How Voters Evaluate the Qualifications of Female and Male Candidates}},
	volume = {82},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/705817}}

@article{Beckwith2007a,
	abstract = {Studies of women in legislatures indicate that achieving a "critical mass" of women may have the effect of changing the legislative priorities of women, increasing the number of legislative initiatives dealing with women and the passage rate of such initiatives, and altering the legislative priorities of men. In the absence of a critical mass, "token" women may be so constrained by their minority status as to be unable to respond proactively to their environment. Popular wisdom suggests that a critical mass may be necessary for women to make a difference as women in a legislature. Yet, critical mass is both problematic and under-theorized in political science research. The critical mass threshold is debated, the mechanism of effect is unspecified, possible negative consequences are overlooked, and the potential for small numbers of elected women to effect political change on behalf of women is neglected. Beyond sheer numbers, what are the conditions that govern the ability of women legislators to make a difference? We argue that two major contextual factors beyond the sheer numbers are likely to govern the extent to which female legislators serve to represent women. Relying on the secondary literature, this article maps parliamentary and civil society contexts to sheer numbers of women to locate conditions in which female legislators are most likely to have policy successes. T o what extent does women's substantive representation depend upon the sheer numbers of elected women? Activists and scholars often assert a positive relationship between the numbers of women elected to office and public policy outcomes that are woman-friendly and even feminist. The idea of a "critical mass" is the popular and compelling notion that increasing the numbers of women in politics will start a chain reaction, leading to a new dynamic favorable to women. 1 Studies of women in legislatures indicate that achieving a "critical mass" of women may have the effect of changing the legislative priorities of women, increasing the number of legislative initiatives dealing with women and the passage rate of such initiatives, and altering the legislative priorities of men. 2 Sheer numbers of elected women (descrip-tive representation) is expected to facilitate policy-making in women's interests (substantive representation); increasing the numbers of elected women is expected to enhance the likelihood of woman-friendly public policy. Yet, critical mass as a theory is problematic and under-theorized in political science research. 3 First, no threshold number has been established that marks the boundaries between numbers of women too small to have an impact on legislation and numbers large enough to secure policy initiatives representing women's interests. In the literature , the threshold has been variously identified as 15, 20, 25, or 30 percent. 4 Second, the conditions under which some large number of elected women could be translated into substantive representation of women have not been theorized or elucidated. Where representation increases from small to large minorities, as in the United Kingdom in 1997, specific mechanisms for producing substantive, women-friendly, legislative change have not been identified. 5 Research employing critical mass as a concept has not clarified the process by which sheer numbers of women might work to advance women's substantive representation. It is not clear whether sheer numbers of women should have a proportional impact, a curvilinear impact, or an absolute numbers impact on policy-making around women's interests. 6 What is clear is that critical mass},
	author = {Beckwith, Karen and Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S153759270707154X},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beckwith, Cowell-Meyers - 2007 - Sheer Numbers Critical Representation Thresholds and Women's Political Representation.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
	number = {3},
	title = {{Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds and Women's Political Representation}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.https://doi.org/10.1017/S153759270707154XDownloadedfromhttps://www.cambridge.org/core.UCL},
	volume = {5},
	year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.https://doi.org/10.1017/S153759270707154XDownloadedfromhttps://www.cambridge.org/core.UCL},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S153759270707154X}}

@article{Robertson1999,
	author = {Robertson, Terry and Froemling, Kristin and Wells, Scott and Mccraw, Shannon},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/01463379909385563},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Robertson et al. - 1999 - Sex, lies, and videotape An analysis of gender in campaign advertisements(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Communication Quarterly},
	number = {3},
	pages = {333--341},
	title = {{Sex, lies, and videotape: An analysis of gender in campaign advertisements}},
	volume = {47},
	year = {1999},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01463379909385563}}

@book{Childs2012,
	abstract = {As leader of the Conservative party, David Cameron inherited a multi-faceted gender problem: only 17 women MPs; an unhappy women's organization; electorally uncompetitive policies 'for women'; and a party which was seemingly unattractive to women voters. This book is an account of the feminization of the party since 2005.},
	address = {Basingstoke, UK},
	annote = {Introduction 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) ``If feminization is defined as the integration of women and their concerns into our political parties and political institutions, the criteria for any evaluation of the Conservative party should be straightforward (Lovenduski 2005a): more women in the party and more `women's policies' than before.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) ``It also tells us very little about women's integration, as distinct from their simple, numerical inclusion. There may be more women Conservative MPs in 2010 than ever before, and more active women's organisations than for some time, but does this change anything, beyond the physical make up of the party?'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``What constitutes women's `interests', `issues', `concerns' and `perspectives', is widely contested. Different women (from varying socio-economic, cultural, or political backgrounds and experiences) might well hold different views about what counts as a `women's issue'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Thus, whilst it might be easy enough to agree in the UK that, say, policies on women's employment or violence against women constitute `women's issues' the cause of, and appropriate response to these -- the specific policies one might advance to address them -- are likely to generate contestation rather than consensus.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) ``Many, if not all, of a government's agenda is likely to differentially impact on women and men, given what we know about men and women's familial, social and economics roles.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``To date, the gender and politics research mapping the process of feminisation of British party politics has almost all focused on the Labour party (Perrigo 1996, 1995, 1986; Russell, M. 2005).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Existing gendered accounts of the Conservatives are not only few in number but also, are often, historical in their approach (Maguire 1998) or limited to the Thatcher era (Campbell 1987; Nunn 2002).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In brief, under New Labour the Conservative party lost its hold on women voters (Campbell 2006). The pro-Conservative party gap in the post-1979 era fell to around 3 percent and thereafter there was some evidence of a gender generation gap emerging, with young women more likely to favour Labour than either older women or younger men (Norris 1996b: 156).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) ``In addition, the Conservative woman candidate and MP's disinclination to see herself as a representation of women, or even as a gendered being, was in sharp relief with Labour's women MPs who confidently asserted their gender identity, and had feminized the agenda and legislative output of the 1997-2010 New Labour governments (Childs 2004, 2008; Lovenduski 2005a; Annesley et al 2007).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) ``At the minimum, Cameron's modernization meant that Conservatives appeared no longer to be perceived as the `nasty' party that Theresa May so infamously brought to the attention of her party Conference back in 2002, even if the electorate were not totally convinced by the Tories' ability `to perform in office' (Denver 2010: 23).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) ``Cameron's commitment to women's greater descriptive and substantive representation was not just rhetorical.'' ``On the policy front the 2010 election manifesto included explicit pledges in respect of flexible working, gender pay audits, parental leave, maternity ward closure, mixed-sex hospital wards, and rape and sexual violence.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``A feminist party requires (L. Young 2000): sex parity amongst elected representatives or, in the interim at least, sex parity amongst its newly elected representatives.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``A feminist party is also open to electing a woman leader, and where this occurs, any failings by the woman leader would not be immediately attributed to her sex.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In contrast, a feminised party might similarly include women representatives, and senior party women, as well as addressing women's concerns, but would do so without the party signing up to a feminist project, of whatever feminist hue.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) ``We content, accordingly, that whilst counting the numbers of women present in our political institutions (for example, parties, legislatures, executives) may establish the level of women's descriptive representation it cannot tell us very much about how representatives act.''    
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Even when predisposed to do so, representatives may find themselves unable to act for women. (Gendered) institutions may very well constrain their behaviour.'' 
  
  
Chapter 1: Conservatism, Representation and Feminization 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 19) ``The widely recognised concept of critical mass holds that when women constitute a `critical mass', feminised change (once again, whatever that might mean) will, by definition, happen.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) ``Rather attention is drawn to the importance of contextualising representatives' attitudes and actions in light of the particular gendered institutions within which it occurs -- these may be to a greater or lesser extent constraining (Lovenduski 2005a; Childs 2004; Dodson 2006).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``They also beg questions about whether conservative representatives can and do act for women in a feminist fashion'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) ``Yet, there remains a resilient assumption, if not expectation, that women representatives will seek to `act for' women because they share gendered experiences (Mansbridge 1999).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 22) ``Mediating factors on representatives' actions abound, including but not limited to: the external political environment; extant institutional norms; the impact of party -- affiliation, ideology and cohesion; differences amongst women representatives; representatives' newness; institutional position [etc. etc. -- see page if necessary]'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 25) ``There is, for example, acknowledgement that ideological differences between women matter; that feminism does not speak for, or to, all women and that not all women representatives are feminists; that conservative women care as much as feminists about women's concerns (Schreiber 2008)'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``(1) Republican women historically are move favourably disposed towards acting for women in a feminist direction than their male Peers (and Democrat men in some cases); (2) that conservative women are themselves heterogeneous, divided between moderate Republican women and (then, then, newly elected) socially conservative women Republicans; (3) that Republican party leaders like to `se women as tokens' thereby giving moral authority to party positions on women's issues; (4) that changed institutional contexts impact on Republican women's behaviour.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 32) ``Political institutions are likely to be far from neutral to attempts to act for women. Political spaces are likely to be differently conducive (or `safe') for those seeking the substantive representation of women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 33) ``Analysis of the former can be undertaken through exploring the construction of `feminine' and `masculine' identities and the nature of gender relations in the representative claims.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 34) ``Whether the contemporary UK Conservative party is feminised and hence better represent women cannot be established in a single snapshot. Both feminisation and representation are best thought of as processes.'' 
  
  
Chapter 6: Sex, Gender and Parliamentary Behaviour in the 2005 Parliament  
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) ``The newly elected Conservative MPs and newly appointed Conservative Peers might well be member more in tune with `modern' gender roles, as a result of generational turnover.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 139) ``In the UK's partisan, if not adversarial system, opposition MPs are widely assumed to oppose the government, even if they do not do so, in practice, quite as often as many think (Cowley 2002).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``All other things being equal, the expectation is that Labour MPs will be more predisposed towards gender equality positions than Conservatives -- for left/right ideological reasons (inter-party differences). Yet, women of all parties might be expected to be more favourably positioned towards gender equality compared with male colleagues in their respective parties'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 140) ``A second institutional dimension likely revealed by these case studies is the difference between the two House of Parliament. This further illuminates the impact of party politics at Westminster. The Lords is widely considered to be a less partisan House than the Commons, or rather was, until the 1999 reforms to the Upper Chamber when it lost its historic Conservative bias. Comparison also highlights the Upper and Lower Chambers' distinct compositions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Secondly, parliamentary votes are analysed as a surrogate measure for MPs and Peers' preferred policy outcomes, itself taken as an indicator of the substantive representation of women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 142) ``In the Lords, substantive discussion centres on four issues, all of which featured in the Commons' debates, although gender equality is more extensively discussed in the Lords.''  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 143) ``The EPFW Bill 2009, a Private Members Bill (PMB), was first introduced into the House of Lords by the Conservative Peer Baroness Trist Morris in December 2008 (the `Bolton Redhead').'' -- EPFW = Equal Pay and Flexible Working Bill 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 144) ``In the (single) Lords' debate, sex differences are apparent in addition to party ones. Women Members of the Lords are more likely than men to contribute, and contribute extensively, to these debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 146) ``Explicit representations of gender equality positions are very much in the minority, for example, in advocating full transferability of maternity/paternity leave, or the privileging of women's choice and bodily integrity in respect of abortion -- not forcing women to carry a disabled foetus to term. When they are voiced this is most often by women. In the Commons these are overwhelmingly Labour women, although in the Lords they are from Labour, Liberal Democrat and Cross benches.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 150) ``Partisan hostility is also less obvious in the Lords as Peers appear to share views across party and sex more often than in the Commons.'' 
  
  
  
  
  
Chapter 7: Feminisation and Party Cohesion: Conservative Ideological Tendencies and Gender Politics 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 165) ``If David Cameron's strategy of decontamination is widely acknowledged, the importance of feminisation to reconstructing the Conservatives as a modern and no longer `nasty' party is less often noted. Yet, as previous chapters have shown, efforts to deliver a more representative parliamentary party and to make the party more electorally competitive over women's issues constituted a significant part of Cameron's strategy.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``within the 2005 Parliament, it was Conservative women Parliamentarians rather than men, who, for the most part, acted for women in a more gender equality direction.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      They use a survey to identify three ideological party trends: ``Thatcherites are hostile to gender-related reforms, and supportive of cuts in tax and spending that bear upon these reforms. Liberal Conservatives, the youngest and most male of these tendencies, are distinguished by being the least hostile to feminist values. Traditionalist Tories, the largest, most working class and most female of the intra-party tendencies, are surprisingly progressive on a number of specific proposals and issues relating to the descriptive and substantive representation of women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 166) ``these findings suggest that, in so far as Cameron has sought to push the party in a generally more progressive direction on gender issues since 2005, he has sometimes been able to work with the grain of grassroots opinion, not least among the Traditionalist Tories.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 167) ``This inductive approach to classifying Conservatives is complemented by the more a priori approach adopted by Bryson and Heppell (2010) in their recent discussion of conservatism and feminism.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 168) ``Like the Thatcherites, Liberal Conservatives are economically right-wing, but unlike both Thatcherites and Traditional conservatives, they are socially liberally.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 169) ``The Liberal Conservatives are significantly younger than the others with an average age of 50, compared to 58 for Thatcherites and 57 for Traditionalist Tories'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 170) ``There is also a sharp difference between the three groups in terms of sex, with 71 percent of Liberal Conservatives being male, compared to 65 percent of Thatcherites and just 51 percent of Traditional Tories.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) ``The Liberal conservatives are the youngest, most likely to be male, and claim to be the most active of these tendencies, and are distinguished by being the least hostile to general feminist values. However, the Traditionalist Tories -- the largest, most work class and most female of the intra-party tendencies -- are more progressive on a number of specific proposals and issues, including taxation and public spending, the descriptive and substantive representation of women, and gender-relevant institutional reforms of politics.'' 
  
  
Conclusion 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 218) ``One dimension of Cameron's modernisation, albeit one too often overlooked by mainstream political scientists, was feminisation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Cameron was fully aware that British party politics had feminised under New Labour (Lovenduski 2005a; Childs 2008) and that his party had lost its historic support amongst women voters.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 219) ``It seeks to do this through identifying women's roles within the party, exploring the attitudes and behaviours of Conservative representatives in Parliament and its party members, examining the extent to which gendered analysis was present in particular policies, and how feminisation played out within and without the party.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 220) ``Conservative women representatives count for descriptive representation but they might also claim and seek to act for women, and do so in ways that are implicitly or explicitly anti-feminist.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 221) ``The British Conservative parliamentary party in 2010 is, clearly a more feminised body than previously. With 49 women MPs it has more than doubled its number compared with 2005 Parliament. The party fell a little short of doubling the percentage of women MPs at the 2010 election, rising from 9 percent to 16 percent. Whilst a welcome improvement, these numbers and figures leave the Conservative party falling below the European average for women's legislative presence, which stands at 22 percent.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 222) ``Women's descriptive representation must be considered, then, an ongoing process for the Conservative party, as it is for the other parties at Westminster.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 224) ``In all this the party's leading equality activists, such as Theresa May, and other leading women{\ldots}''  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 228) ``In the election campaign proper, many of the women's issues addressed in the party's manifesto did not feature heavily. Nor for that matter, did May, or any other leading Tory woman.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 229) ``It was also reported that May had herself warned the government that in devising its emergency budget a gender equality audit was necessary.''   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 230) ``The role of May looks critical here as the post of a Women's Minister should institutionalise the substantive representation of women within government.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The contemporary British Conservative party, broadly speaking, and at least at the top, supports women's equal opportunities in the public sphere, especially in respect of paid employment. The party currently offers policies for women that are in line with a liberal-feminist take on these issues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 231) ``The Conservative party of 2010 is more feminised than its predecessors: descriptive representation is higher in the parliamentary and wider party; parts of the party are `for women' and the party programme, as evidenced at least by the 2010 manifesto, constitutes women as a group and offers them a series of specific pledges.''   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 232) ``Whether women's participation is substantive or symbolic, and integrated or segregated; whether the `women's part' of the part is formally integrated into the wider party structure and policy making bodies. Here, the pre-Cameron history was one of marginalisation in the late 1990s amid rumour of abolition.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 233) ``Those in posts `for women' within the party are more likely to openly acknowledge a liberal-feminist conservative feminism.''},
	author = {Childs, Sarah and Webb, Paul},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	pages = {299},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{Sex, Gender and the Conservative Party: From Iron Lady to Kitten Heals}},
	year = {2012}}

@book{Eagly1987,
	address = {London},
	author = {Eagly, Alice H},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {113493114X},
	pages = {178},
	publisher = {Psychology Press},
	title = {{Sex Differences in Social Behavior: A Social-Role Interpretation}},
	year = {1987}}

@article{Haselmayer2016,
	abstract = {Sentiment is important in studies of news values, public opinion, negative campaigning or political polarization and an explosive expansion of digital textual data and fast progress in automated text analysis provide vast opportunities for innovative social science research. Unfortunately, tools currently available for automated sentiment analysis are mostly restricted to English texts and require considerable contextual adaption to produce valid results. We present a procedure for collecting fine-grained sentiment scores through crowdcoding to build a negative sentiment dictionary in a language and for a domain of choice. The dictionary enables the analysis of large text corpora that resource-intensive hand-coding struggles to cope with. We calculate the tonality of sentences from dictionary words and we validate these estimates with results from manual coding. The results show that the crowdbased dictionary provides efficient and valid measurement of sentiment. Empirical examples illustrate its use by analyzing the tonality of party statements and media reports.},
	annote = {Useful: shows how crowd-coding can be used in cases where sentiment dictionaries are unavailable/insufficient},
	author = {Haselmayer, Martin and Jenny, Marcelo},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11135-016-0412-4},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haselmayer, Jenny - 2016 - Sentiment analysis of political communication combining a dictionary approach with crowdcoding.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Quality {\&} Quantity},
	pages = {2623--2646},
	title = {{Sentiment analysis of political communication: combining a dictionary approach with crowdcoding}},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11135-016-0412-4}}

@article{Witt2010,
	abstract = {The present research tested whether gender self-concepts influence behavior through self-regulatory processes, with emotions and self-esteem signaling that people's responses meet or fail to meet their gender standards. In the first study, cross-sectional survey data from 3,174 young adults living in the United States revealed that esteem increased with behavioral conformity to gender standards for personality. In the second study, an experience-sampling diary design provided a dynamic view of regulation to gender standards for personality and romance. One hundred seventy-seven American undergraduates reported their emotions and esteem immediately following everyday social interactions. As anticipated, students became more positive when they acted in ways that confirmed rather than disconfirmed personal gender standards. {\textcopyright} 2010 Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.},
	author = {Witt, Melissa Guerrero and Wood, Wendy},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11199-010-9761-y},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Witt, Wood - 2010 - Self-regulation of gendered behavior in everyday life.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {03600025},
	journal = {Sex Roles},
	keywords = {Gender and personality,Gender and romance,Gender differences,Self-regulation},
	number = {9},
	pages = {635--646},
	title = {{Self-regulation of gendered behavior in everyday life}},
	volume = {62},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-010-9761-y}}

@article{Dasgupta2004,
	abstract = {Two studies tested the conditions under which social environments can undermine automatic gender stereotypic beliefs expressed by women. Study 1, a laboratory experiment, manipulated exposure to biographical information about famous female leaders. Study 2, a year-long field study, took advantage of pre-existing differences in the proportion of women occupying leadership positions (e.g., female professors) in two naturally occurring environments-a women's college and a coeducational college. Together, these studies investigated: (a) whether exposure to women in leadership positions can temporarily undermine women's automatic gender stereotypic beliefs, and (b) whether this effect is mediated by the frequency with which female leaders are encountered. Results revealed first that when women were in social contexts that exposed them to female leaders, they were less likely to express automatic stereotypic beliefs about their ingroup (Studies 1 and 2). Second, Study 2 showed that the long-term effect of social environments (women's college vs. coed college) on automatic gender stereotyping was mediated by the frequency of exposure to women leaders (i.e., female faculty). Third, some academic environments (e.g., classes in male-dominated disciplines like science and math) produced an increase in automatic stereotypic beliefs among students at the coed college but not at the women's college-importantly, this effect was mediated by the sex of the course instructors. Together, these findings underscore the power of local environments in shaping women's nonconscious beliefs about their ingroup. {\textcopyright} 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Dasgupta, Nilanjana and Asgari, Shaki},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.jesp.2004.02.003},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dasgupta, Asgari - 2004 - Seeing is believing Exposure to counterstereotypic women leaders and its effect on the malleability of automat.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00221031},
	journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
	number = {5},
	pages = {642--658},
	title = {{Seeing is believing: Exposure to counterstereotypic women leaders and its effect on the malleability of automatic gender stereotyping}},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2004.02.003}}

@article{Campbell2006,
	abstract = {Does the presence of female political role models inspire interest in political activism among young women? We findthat over time, the more that women politicians are made visible by national news coverage, the more likely ado-lescent girls are to indicate an intention to be politically active. Similarly, in cross-sectional analysis, we find thatwhere female candidates are visible due to viable campaigns for high-profile offices girls report increased anticipatedpolitical involvement. Contrary to conventional wisdom, this effect does not appear to be mediated through beliefsabout the appropriateness of politics for women, nor through perceptions of government responsiveness. Instead, anincreased propensity for political discussion, particularly within families, appears to explain the role model effect.},
	author = {Campbell, David E. and Wolbrecht, Christina},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campbell, Wolbrecht - 2006 - See Jane Run Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {233--247},
	title = {{See Jane Run: Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents}},
	volume = {68},
	year = {2006}}

@book{Martindale1975,
	address = {Washington, DC},
	author = {Martindale, Colin},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Hemisphere},
	title = {{Romantic progression: The psychology of literature history}},
	year = {1975}}

@article{Eagly2002,
	abstract = {A role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders proposes that perceived incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles leads to 2 forms of prejudice: (a) perceiving women less favorably than men as potential occupants of leadership roles and (b) evaluating behavior that fulfills the prescriptions of a leader role less favorably when it is enacted by a woman. One consequence is that attitudes are less positive toward female than male leaders and potential leaders. Other consequences are that it is more difficult for women to become leaders and to achieve success in leadership roles. Evidence from varied research paradigms substantiates that these consequences occur, especially in situations that heighten perceptions of incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 573) ``A role congruity theory of prejudice toward female leaders proposes that perceived incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles leads to 2 forms of prejudice: (a) perceiving women less favourably than men as potential occupants of leadership roles and (b) evaluating behaviour that fulfils the prescriptions of a leader role less favourably when it is enacted by a woman.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 574) women: ``affectionate, helpful, kind, sympathetic, interpersonally sensitive, nurturant, and gentle.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Men: ``In contrast, agentic characteristics, which are ascribed more strongly to men, describe primarily an assertive, controlling, and confident tendency---for example, aggressive, ambitious, dominant, forceful, independent, self-sufficient, self-confident, and prone to act as a leader.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 575) leadership traits: ``competitive, self-confident, objective, aggressive, ambitious, and able to lead.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 576) ``Some evidence of this mix of positive and negative evaluations emerged in Heilman et al.'s (1995) finding that, even when the researchers described female managers as successful, participants regarded these women as more hostile (e.g., more devious, quarrelsome, selfish, bitter) and less rational (i.e., less logical, objective, able to separate feelings from ideas) than successful male managers. This research coheres with informal evidence of ambivalence that is inherent in the epithets often applied to powerful women, such as dragon lady and Battle-Ax (Tannen, 1994). More specific examples of such labelling include (a) Dawn Steel, the first woman to head a major movie studio in Hollywood, who was known as ``Steel Dawn'' and ``the Tank'' (Weinraub, 1997) and (b) Margaret Thatcher, British prime minister, who was labelled not only as ``Iron Lady'' but also as ``Her Malignancy'' and ``Attila the Hen'' (Genovese, 1993). To the extent that a woman who fulfils a leader role elicits a mixture of positive and negative reactions---that is, an ambivalent reaction---storage of these reactions in memory could have a variety of effects.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 577) ``Also, a study of male managers' perceptions of the characteristics of successful executives yielded a set of highly agentic qualities--- specifically, the ability to act as a change agent (e.g., inspirational, decisive), managerial courage (e.g., courageous, resilient), results orientation (e.g., action oriented, proactive), and leadership (e.g., leader, strategic thinker; Martell et al., 1998).''},
	author = {Eagly, Alice and Karau, Steven},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/0033-295X.109.3.573},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Karau - 2002 - Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Psychological Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {573--598},
	title = {{Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders}},
	volume = {109},
	year = {2002},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.109.3.573}}

@article{Yoder1991,
	abstract = { The purpose of this article is to assess Rosabeth Moss Kanter 's work on tokenism in light of more
 than a decade of research and discussion. While Kanter argued that performance pressures,
 social isolation, and role encapsulation were the consequences of disproportionate numbers of
 women and men in a workplace, a review of empirical data concludes that these outcomes occur
 only for token women in gender-inappropriate occupations. Furthermore, Kanter's emphasis on
 number balancing as a social-change strategy failed to anticipate backlash from dominants.
 Blalock's theory of intrusiveness suggests that surges in the number of lower-status members
 threaten dominants, thereby increasing gender discrimination in the forms of sexual harassment,
 wage inequities, and limited opportunities for promotion. Although Kanter's analysis of the
 individual consequences of tokenism was compelling to researchers and organizational change
 agents, continued reliance on numbers as the theoretical cause of, and as the solution to, gender
 discrimination in the workplace neglects the complexities of gender integration. },
	author = {Yoder, Janice D},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yoder - 1991 - Rethinking Tokenism Looking beyond Numbers.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Gender and Society},
	number = {2},
	pages = {178--192},
	title = {{Rethinking Tokenism: Looking beyond Numbers}},
	url = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
	volume = {5},
	year = {1991},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://about.jstor.org/terms}}

@article{Kerevel2015,
	abstract = {Does electing female political leaders reduce gender stereotypes about leadership? Scholars know little about how the increasing presence of female executives alters gender stereotypes about political leadership. Some studies suggest gender stereotypes change slowly because they are embedded in cultural values and structural factors that reinforce traditional gender roles. Other research suggests stereotypes change more quickly with the increasing presence of female political leadership. We address this question by examining the effect of being governed by a female mayor in Mexico. We find that the presence of a current female mayor reduces gender stereotypes among males. However, past female mayors have little effect on current gender stereotypes about leadership. Our results suggest women must be present in executive offices more frequently to produce long-term change in gender stereotypes.},
	author = {Kerevel, Yann P. and Atkeson, Lonna Rae},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912915607637},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kerevel, Atkeson - 2015 - Reducing Stereotypes of Female Political Leaders in Mexico.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10659129},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {Latin American politics,Mexican politics,gender quotas,gender stereotypes,public opinion,women in politics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {732--744},
	title = {{Reducing Stereotypes of Female Political Leaders in Mexico}},
	volume = {68},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912915607637}}

@article{Schuller2010,
	abstract = {More than a decade has passed since research on automatic recognition of emotion from speech has become a new field of research in line with its 'big brothers' speech and speaker recognition. This article attempts to provide a short overview on where we are today, how we got there and what this can reveal us on where to go next and how we could arrive there. In a first part, we address the basic phenomenon reflecting the last fifteen years, commenting on databases, modelling and annotation, the unit of analysis and prototypicality. We then shift to automatic processing including discussions on features, classification, robustness, evaluation, and implementation and system integration. From there we go to the first comparative challenge on emotion recognition from speech-the INTERSPEECH 2009 Emotion Challenge, organised by (part of) the authors, including the description of the Challenge's database, Sub-Challenges, participants and their approaches, the winners, and the fusion of results to the actual learnt lessons before we finally address the everlasting problems and future promising attempts. This special issue will address new approaches towards dealing with the processing of realistic emotions in speech, and this overview article will give an account of the state-of-the-art, of the lacunas in this field, and of promising approaches towards overcoming shortcomings in modelling and recognising realistic emotions. We will also report on the first emotion challenge at INTERSPEECH 2009, constituting the initial impetus of this special issue; to end with, we want to sketch future strategies and applications, trying to answer the question 'Where to go from here?' The article is structured as follows: we first deal with the basic phenomenon briefly reflecting the last fifteen years, commenting on databases, modelling and annotation, the unit of analysis and prototypicality. We then proceed to automatic processing (sec. 2) including discussions on features, classification, robustness, evaluation, and implementation and system integration. From there we go to the the first Emotion Challenge (sec. 3) including the description of the Challenge's database, Sub-Challenges, participants and their approaches, the winners, and the fusion of results to the lessons learnt, before concluding this article (sec. 4). 1.1. The Phenomenon The title of this survey article reflects the problems in defining 'emotion': The phrase 'emotion and affect' does not mean that these are two different phenomena that easily can be told apart. It rather should be read as 'some people call it emotion, some affect; in fact, we do not really care'. We do not care because there is an abundance of competing definitions; thus, to find the common ground, the only meaningful way},
	author = {Schuller, Bj{\"{o}}rn and Batliner, Anton and Steidl, Stefan and Seppi, Dino},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {::},
	journal = {Speech Communication},
	keywords = {adaptation,affect,automatic classification,emotion,evaluation 1 Setting the Scene,feature selection,feature types,noise robustness,standardisation,usability},
	number = {9-10},
	pages = {1062--1087},
	title = {{Recognising Realistic Emotions and Affect in Speech: State of the Art and Lessons Learnt from the First Challenge}},
	volume = {53},
	year = {2010}}

@book{McLean2001,
	abstract = {Available as an ebook as part of UCL.},
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {McLean, Iain},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Rational Choice and British Politics: An Analysis of Rhetoric and Manipulation}},
	year = {2001}}

@article{Clayton2017,
	abstract = {Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998--2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of the Ugandan parliamentary Hansard to test how MP characteristics affect patterns of gender-related legislative speech. We find that female MPs speak about issues related to women's interests significantly more than male MPs. Further, we find no evidence of significant differences between female MPs elected with and without quotas, suggesting that, in the Ugandan case, gender is a more salient predictor of the tendency to ``speak for women'' than electoral pathway. To our knowledge, this is the first study that examines the effectiveness of quotas in promoting women's substantive representation in parliamentary debates across all policy domains over a significant time period. We discuss the implications of these findings in the Ugandan context, as well as how our evidence speaks to substantive representation through reserved seat quotas in semi-authoritarian regimes more broadly.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Looks at how gender and quota/non-quota status impacts the articulation of women's interests in the legislative process. Looks at plenary speeches in the Ugandan Parliament from 1998 to 2011 
{\textperiodcentered}      Looks a 500 unique MPs speeches and more than 40,000 pages of Hansard text 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: fits in with the move towards using text as `big data' by using Hansard texts as a robust measure of legislators' debate activity 
{\textperiodcentered}      Theoretical expectations: may be expected that gender and women, as a group, share similar biological experiences, face the same socially constructed expectations about appropriate gender roles and continue to experience many forms of active discrimination. Given this, female MPs may have a stronger desire than men to actively represent women's interests in the legislative process 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article views role as important: women in reserved Ugandan seats may be more likely to raise and articulate women's issues as they feel they are obliged 
{\textperiodcentered}      Case selection: also able to examine effects as the numbers of women in parliament grow 
{\textperiodcentered}      Results: gender stronger than seat type in predicting whether MPs articulate women's interests during legislative debates (holding all constant, women in reserved seats are 23{\%} more likely than their male colleagues to bring up gender, and women in open seats are 21{\%} more likely than their male counterparts) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Results: find that gender, but not gender quotas, affect the extent to which legislators talk about issues that disproportionally affect women in plenary debates},
	author = {Clayton, Amanda and Josefsson, Cecilia and Wang, Vibeke},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000453},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clayton, Josefsson, Wang - 2017 - Quotas and women's substantive representation Evidence from a content analysis of ugandan plenary deba.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {2},
	pages = {276--304},
	title = {{Quotas and women's substantive representation: Evidence from a content analysis of ugandan plenary debates}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X16000453},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X16000453}}

@article{Diaz2016,
	abstract = {Continuous space word embeddings have received a great deal of attention in the natural language processing and machine learning communities for their ability to model term similarity and other relationships. We study the use of term relatedness in the context of query expansion for ad hoc information retrieval. We demonstrate that word embeddings such as word2vec and GloVe, when trained globally, underperform corpus and query specific embeddings for retrieval tasks. These results suggest that other tasks benefiting from global embeddings may also benefit from local embeddings.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {1605.07891},
	author = {Diaz, Fernando and Mitra, Bhaskar and Craswell, Nick},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	eprint = {1605.07891},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Diaz, Mitra, Craswell - 2016 - Query Expansion with Locally-Trained Word Embeddings(2).pdf:pdf},
	title = {{Query Expansion with Locally-Trained Word Embeddings}},
	url = {http://arxiv.org/abs/1605.07891},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://arxiv.org/abs/1605.07891}}

@article{Anderson2012a,
	abstract = {Human voice pitch research has focused on perceptions of attractiveness, strength, and social dominance. Here we examine the influence of pitch on selection of leaders, and whether this influence varies by leadership role. Male and female leaders with lower-pitched (i.e., masculine) voices are generally preferred by both men and women. We asked whether this preference shifts to favor higher-pitch (i.e., feminine) voices within the specific context of leadership positions that are typically held by women (i.e., feminine leadership roles). In hypothetical elections for two such positions, men and women listened to pairs of male and female voices that differed only in pitch, and were asked which of each pair they would vote for. As in previous studies, men and women preferred female candidates with masculine voices. Likewise, men preferred men with masculine voices. Women, however, did not discriminate between male voices. Overall, contrary to research showing that perceptions of voice pitch can be influenced by social context, these results suggest that the influence of voice pitch on perceptions of leadership capacity is largely consistent across different domains of leadership.},
	author = {Anderson, R C and Klofstad, C A},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0051216},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Anderson, Klofstad - 2012 - Preference for Leaders with Masculine Voices Holds in the Case of Feminine Leadership Roles.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {PLoS ONE},
	number = {12},
	pages = {51216},
	title = {{Preference for Leaders with Masculine Voices Holds in the Case of Feminine Leadership Roles}},
	volume = {7},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0051216}}

@article{Beaman2009,
	abstract = {We exploit random assignment of gender quotas for leadership positions on Indian village councils to show that prior exposure to a female leader is associated with electoral gains for women. After ten years of quotas, women are more likely to stand for, and win, elected positions in councils required to have a female chief councilor in the previous two elections. We provide experimental and survey evidence on one channel of influence-changes in voter attitudes. Prior exposure to a female chief councilor improves perceptions of female leader effectiveness and weakens stereotypes about gender roles in the public and domestic spheres.},
	author = {Beaman, Lori and Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra and Duflo, Esther and Pande, Rohini},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beaman et al. - 2009 - Powerful Women Does Exposure Reduce Bias.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1497--1540},
	title = {{Powerful Women: Does Exposure Reduce Bias?}},
	volume = {124},
	year = {2009}}

@article{Fennell1999,
	abstract = {The purpose of this paper is to explore four women principals' experiences with power in the course of their daily leadership. The data used in this exploration was collected through indepth interviews, conducted from a phenomenological perspective, during the second and third years of a three-year study on the leadership experiences of the four principals. The thematic findings which emerged from this data included empowerment, positive power, traditional power and negative power, and are discussed in relation to three lenses of power: dominance or ``power over'', facilitation or ``power through'', and as energy and competence or ``power with''. The four principals' experiences were remarkable in that they were extensively engaged in interpreting, experiencing and using power as ``power through'' and ``power with'' rather than as ``power over''. The findings from this research serve as examples of ways in which power is enacted by women leaders within traditional organizational settings, and the potential of their actions to positively transform school organizations and the experiences of those who work within them.},
	author = {Fennell, Hope-Arlene},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1108/09578239910253926},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fennell - 1999 - Power in the principalship Four women's experiences.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Educational Administration},
	number = {1},
	pages = {23--50},
	title = {{Power in the principalship: Four women's experiences}},
	url = {https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/pdfplus/10.1108/09578239910253926},
	volume = {37},
	year = {1999},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/pdfplus/10.1108/09578239910253926},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1108/09578239910253926}}

@article{Schneider2016,
	abstract = {We provide a novel approach to understanding the political ambition gap between men and women by examining perceptions of the role of politician. Across three studies, we find that political careers are viewed as fulfilling power-related goals, such as self-promotion and competition. We connect these goals to a tolerance for interpersonal conflict and both of these factors to political ambition. Women's lack of interest in conflict and power-related activities mediates the relationship between gender and political ambition. In an experiment, we show that framing a political career as fulfilling communal goals---and not power-related goals---reduces the ambition gap.},
	author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Holman, Mirya R. and Diekman, Amanda B. and McAndrew, Thomas},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12268},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider et al. - 2016 - Power, Conflict, and Community How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women's Political Ambition.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679221},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	keywords = {conflict avoidance,gender,political ambition,political behavior,role congruity},
	number = {4},
	pages = {515--531},
	title = {{Power, Conflict, and Community: How Gendered Views of Political Power Influence Women's Political Ambition}},
	volume = {37},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12268}}

@article{Kathlene1994,
	abstract = {There is an implicit assumption behind advocating for more minorities or women in elected office, namely, that these officials will bring a new power and influence to their underrepresented groups. However, for women, this idealized viewpoint ignores the social dynamics that subordinate women's words and actions even in ``well-balanced'' male and female group interactions. Using transcribed verbatim transcripts of 12 state legislative committee hearings, this research analyzes the conversational dynamics of committee members, witnesses, chairs, and sponsors. Sex differences among committee members are highly significant, even after accounting for political factors and structural features of the hearing. In addition, male and female chairs do not conduct hearings in the same way, and these differences affect the behavior of witnesses and committee members. The findings suggest that as the proportion of women increases in a legislative body, men become more verbally aggressive and controlling of the hearing. Women legislators may be seriously disadvantaged and unable to participate equally in legislative policymaking in committee hearings.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      It is often advocated that bringing more women, or any socio-demographic group, into elected office will bring a new power and influence to under-represented groups 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: uses transcripts of 12 state legislative committee hearings to analyse the conversational dynamics of committee members, witnesses, chairs and sponsors 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: sex differences among committee members are highly significant, even after accounting for political factors and structural features of the hearing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: male and female chairs do not conduct hearings in the same way, and these differences affect the behaviour of witnesses and committee members 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: as the proportion of women increases in a legislative body, men become more verbally aggressive and controlling of the hearing 
{\textperiodcentered}      Measures: refer back to page 564 about this -- very good for looking at how often people speak, are they interrupted, how long do they speak for, what prompts them to speak etc. Kathlene measures for 5 different types of interruptions, for example (p. 565 documents this) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women entered the discussion later, spoke less, took fewer turns, and made fewer interruptions than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women chairing committees spoke less, took fewer turns, and made fewer interruptions than their male counterparts -- suggesting men and women have different leadership styles 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: committee members with interests in the bill spoke longer and engaged in discussion more frequently; they were also interrupted more often, which follows from their greater verbal activity 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: in all female groups women engage in supportive and cooperative behaviour 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women have a more `democratic' leadership style (p. 569) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female chairs participated less and interrupted less than male chairs},
	author = {Kathlene, Lyn},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.2307/2944795},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kathlene - 1994 - Power and influence in state legislative policymaking The interaction of gender and position in committee hearing d(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0003-0554},
	issn = {0003-0554},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {560--576},
	title = {{Power and influence in state legislative policymaking: The interaction of gender and position in committee hearing debates}},
	volume = {88},
	year = {1994},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/2944795}}

@book{Thelander1986,
	address = {Malmo},
	author = {Thelander, Kerstin},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {9138617331},
	pages = {182},
	publisher = {Liber Forlag},
	title = {{Politikersprak i konsperspektiv}},
	year = {1986}}

@article{Aaldering2020,
	abstract = {This article studies gender differences in media portrayals of political leadership, starting with the expectation that male politicians are evaluated more often on traits belonging to the male leader stereotype , and that female politicians have no such advantage. These gender differences are expected to be especially pronounced during non-campaign periods. To test these expectations, a large-scale automated content analysis of all Dutch national newspapers from September 2006 to September 2012 was conducted. The results show that male politicians received more media coverage on leadership traits in general, although the male and female leader stereotypes explain most of the variation in gender bias between leadership traits. These gender effects are found during seldom-studied routine periods but not during campaigns. As leadership trait coverage has electoral consequences, this gender-differentiated coverage likely contributes to the under-representation of women in politics. Women are almost universally under-represented in politics. According to the Interparliamentary Union, 77 per cent of the world's parliamentarians are male, and only two out of 193 parliaments (in Rwanda and Bolivia) comprise at least 50 per cent women. 1 Although the norm of gender equality has been widely supported in Western societies for decades, this has not translated into gender-equal politics. While there has been a wide range of female governors, prime ministers and party leaders, a large majority of the higher offices and governing positions are still filled by men. Many scholars have examined possible causes of this political under-representation, seeking to understand why men still dominate politics and how we can fix this disadvantage for women. As current-day politicians do not operate in a vacuum but exist in a strongly mediatized political environment in which the media are citizens' primary source of political information, 2 any the three anonymous reviewers for comments on previous drafts. This study was supported by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research in connection to the research programme 'Continuously campaigning for volatile voters. How policy positions and leadership images affect citizens' vote intentions before and during campaign periods, the Netherlands 2006-2012' (NWO406-13-038). Data replication sets are available in Harvard Dataverse at:},
	author = {Aaldering, Loes and {Van Der Pas}, Daphne Joanna},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123417000795},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aaldering, Joanna Van Der Pas - 2020 - Political Leadership in the Media Gender Bias in Leader Stereotypes during Campaign and Routine T.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {911--931},
	title = {{Political Leadership in the Media: Gender Bias in Leader Stereotypes during Campaign and Routine Times}},
	volume = {50},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123417000795}}

@incollection{Karvonen1995,
	address = {Farnham, UK},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 343) ``The basic question is whether systematic differences exist between men and women in their use of political language.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Analysing a formalistic use of political language (parliamentary debates in Norway) and individual election campaigns in Finland 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 344) Dahlerup identifies differences that occur when more women enter parliamentary settings. ``Of particular interest for our study is that given the increased representation of women in politics, the expectation is that `the tone will be softer in politics', and that `shorter speeches' and `less formal language, more to the point' will increasingly characterise the political culture (pp. 288-89).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 346) ``Women use a simpler and a more concrete language than men, whose usage favours abstractions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women's language seeks to identify the person's concerned, whereas men employ objective expressions which avoid personal considerations.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women use emotional expressions and refer to emotions considerably more frequently than men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Female language is more empathic, and the flow of communication is characterised by reciprocity; women frequently use expressions that are intended to produce confirmations of consent. Unpleasant things are expressed in an indirect way.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Men are more inclined towards a one-way communication, they convey messages rather than engage in a dialogue. This generally gives them a better capacity for authority-oriented situations: men command, lecture, and issue statements more naturally than women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 347) ``Thelander analysed both the perceptions of Swedish politicians about the language of politics and the actual linguistic usage of different groups of politicians. Fifty-six members of the Swedish Parliament and 16 local councillors were interviewed. The language spoken in Parliament in 1978-1979 by those same 56 MPs was then analysed as evidence in the Parliamentary Records. These findings were contrasted with a comparative sample from 1952.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The opinions of the interviewees were largely similar to the generalised differences between men and women which were briefly presented above: women were claimed to use a less complicated, more concrete and more personal language than men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``This impression is strongly reinforced by an early study by Esko Vierikko. Vierikko studied the language of Finnish Members of Parliament in the late 1960s in two different situations: informal language use (interviews) was contrasted with formal language, i.e. speeches at the plenary sessions of the parliament. He found a strikingly consistent pattern. In informal situations, female politicians used a clearly less complicated language than men. They used fewer nouns, adjectives and numerals but more pronouns and subject terms; on the average, they also used shorter words than their male colleagues. In formal situations, however, this order was completely reversed. In their parliamentary speeches, female MPs used an official and complicated language which stood in a clear contrast to their unofficial usage.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 348) ``Benze and Declerq note that female candidates face a dilemma: whether to fight the perception of lacking toughness and competence by choosing a rather male style of campaigning, thus taking the risk of being seen as `too tough and hence strident and bitchy', or clinging to the existing female style (p. 283).'' 
Empirical analysis I: parliamentary debates in Norway 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 350) Empirical data consists of parliamentary debates in the Norwegian Storting in 1956 and 1986/87 
{\textperiodcentered}      Picked 13 women and they were assigned `male counterparts' resembling them in party affiliation, region and age (as much as possible) -- picked from both 1956 nd later 1986 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 352) 
Linguistic patterns: 
``Four such categories found in the literature were used as instruments of classifications in a content analysis of the parliamentary speeches'' 
1.     (p. 353) Orientation: ``Who are the recipients and beneficiaries of policies and politics? Whose problems are politicians trying to solve? Here, the main distinction is between a concrete and an abstract orientation. Statements referring to concrete groups of individuals and their problems were classified as representing a concrete orientation. `The people', `farmers', `single mothers', `pensioners' and `students' are typical examples of statements with a concrete orientation. As for abstractions, `the system', `the State', `the development', `the economy', `the cultural milieu' and `the economic situation' are some frequent expressions classified as representing an abstract orientation. Various types of orientation lie somewhere in between these two extremes. `Northern Norway', `the schools', `local government authorities' and `cultural organisations' are some examples. These were left unclassified.'' 
2.     Arguments: ``What kinds of reasons were presented as arguments for or against a certain policy, a standpoint or an opinion? The study distinguished between three different types. Realism denotes arguments which expressedly stress that which is possible to achieve rather than what is desirable: `given the current economic situation we must{\ldots}'l `we all want peace but{\ldots}'; `give this time frame{\ldots}' etc. Acceptability refers to popular will, public opinion or some overarching value: `this is the clearly expressed view of the majority of our people'; `it would be incompatible with our tradition of local self-government' etc. Consistency refers to compatibility with earlier policies and decisions and the consistent application of rules, principles and guidelines: `given the fact that we have invested millions in this system, it is only logical that{\ldots}'; `if these groups have been granted this right, others must also be entitled{\ldots}' etc.'' 
3.     Propaganda: ``Political persuasion is not solely a matter of rationale argumentation. More subtle techniques are frequently used to persuade people without their necessarily being aware of the fact that they are the object of persuasion. In a classical study from the early years of propaganda research (Lee and Lee 1939), a number of propaganda techniques (`tricks of the trade') were presented. Three of these were used as indicators in the present study. Name calling, `giving an idea a bad label -- is used to make us reject and condemn an idea without examining the evidence (Lee and Lee 1939: 23-24): `this waste of the taxpayers' money'; `these anti-democratic features' etc. Glittering Generality, `associating something with a `virtue word' -- is used to make us accept and approve the thing without examining the evidence' (Ibid.)..: `international solidarity demands'; `this just and fair proposition' etc. Testimonial `consists of having some respected or hated person say that a given idea or program or product is good or bad' (Ibid.): `as was aptly pointed out by the Chairman'; `Hitler was an eager advocate of such practices' etc.'' 
4.     (p. 354) Metaphors: ``During recent years, many scholars have stressed the importance of metaphor in political language. Metaphors not only constitute an instrument of expression; they also reflect more general views of politics and society and overall patterns of thought. Palonen (1991: 14) has pointed out that the distinction between metaphors that have their origins in mechanistic notions and those that are of an organic origin is potentially interesting from a political science point of view. Examples of the former are references to society and politics as a machine (`the government machinery'), vehicles (`the man at the helm') or arguments using the laws of physics (`equilibrium', `centrifugal tendencies') as illustrative examples. Organic metaphors refer to the human body (`social disease', `we need a strong hand'), animals, plants and organic processes (`flourishing economy'; `rooted in a belief'). Many such metaphors are naturally quite commonplace and are used in an unreflected way; at the same time, they may tell us something about the `deep structures' of the minds of the speakers.'' 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      This kind of content analysis rests of qualitative judgements -- ``At the same time, the very rationale behind this kind of systematic analysis is to try to reduce large and complicated bodies of empirical material to manageable proportions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Unit of analysis: individual politician speaking in parliament -- calculate the relative frequency (measured in terms of occurrence per 100 cm of text column)
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Thus, saying that the value of `concrete orientation' for women MPs in 1956 was 9.9 means that such expressions occurred on the average 9.9 times per 100 centimetres of column.''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In sum, differences between women and men MPs were found to be less than dramatic. The reasonably clear differences for `orientation' -- women displaying a more concrete orientation than men -- has diminished somewhat over time.'' 
Empirical analysis II: election campaigns in Finland 
Coding for images of candidates 
1.     ```Competence/experience' encompasses signs that are linked to competence and different aspects of skills and experiences.'' 
2.     `Warmth/Compassion' includes signs that stress human warmth, cordiality and compassion 
3.     `Performance/Activity' comprises signs by which candidates underline their ability to be active and efficient political decision-makers. 
4.     `Honesty/Trustworthiness' is a fairly straightforward category containing signs by which the candidates try to establish themselves as particularly honest and worthy of the voters' trust. 
5.     `Family references' simply denotes signs alluding to the candidates' families, parenthood etc. 
6.     `Group identification' contains candidates who have underlined their affiliation to some particular group of citizens 
7.     `Independence/Bravery' focuses on signs by which candidates try to picture themselves as independent and as persons that sick to their own views whatever the circumstances 
8.     `Strength/Toughness' contains signs that are linked to firmness, strength and endurance 
9.     `Other signs' is a residual category for candidate ads exhibiting signs that do not match any of the categories above},
	author = {Karvonen, Lauri and Djupsund, G{\"{o}}ran and Carlson, Tom},
	booktitle = {Women in Nordic Politics: Closing the Gap},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	editor = {Karvonen, L and Selle, P},
	pages = {343--382},
	publisher = {Ashgate Publishing},
	title = {{Political Language}},
	year = {1995}}

@article{Hitt2018,
	author = {Hitt, Matthew P and Searles, Kathleen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/10584609.2018.1467517},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hitt, Searles - 2018 - Media Coverage and Public Approval of the U.S. Supreme Court.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Communication},
	number = {4},
	pages = {566--586},
	title = {{Political Communication Media Coverage and Public Approval of the U.S. Supreme Court}},
	volume = {35},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1467517}}

@article{Mattozzi2008,
	abstract = {Two main career paths are prevalent among politicians in modern democracies: there are career politicians (i.e., politicians who work in the political sector until retirement), and political careers (i.e., there are politicians who leave politics before retirement and work in the private sector). In this paper, we propose a dynamic equilibrium model of the careers of politicians in an environment with a private sector and a political sector, where individuals are heterogeneous with respect to their market ability and political skills. Our analysis provides an explanation for the existence of career politicians and individuals with political careers, and their motivations. We also investigate the effects of monetary incentives and other features of the political-economic environment on the quality of politicians and their careers. We show that an increase in the salary a politician receives while in office decreases the average quality of individuals who become politicians, decreases turnover in office, and may either decrease or increase the average quality of career politicians. {\textcopyright} 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.},
	author = {Mattozzi, Andrea and Merlo, Antonio},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.10.006},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1-s2.0-S0047272707001934-main.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00472727},
	journal = {Journal of Public Economics},
	keywords = {Careers in politics,Quality of politicians},
	pages = {597--608},
	title = {{Political careers or career politicians?}},
	volume = {92},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.10.006}}

@article{Osnabrugge2020,
	author = {Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Moritz and Hobolt, Sara B. and Rodon, Toni},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-05-27 14:15:45 +0100},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Hobolt, Rodon - 2020 - Playing to the Gallery How Politicians Use Emotive Rhetoric in the British House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	pages = {1--15},
	title = {{Playing to the Gallery: How Politicians Use Emotive Rhetoric in Parliaments}},
	year = {2021}}

@article{Cassese2019,
	abstract = {Late in the 2016 U.S. Presidential primary, Donald Trump attacked Hillary Clinton for playing the ``woman's card.'' Theories of system justification suggest that attitudes about gender, particularly endorsement of hostile and benevolent sexism, likely shaped reactions to this campaign attack. Using a set of two studies, we find that hostile sexists exposed to the attack showed increased support for Trump and decreased support for Clinton. Benevolent sexists, however, reacted to Trump's statements with increased support for Clinton, consistent with benevolent sexism's focus on protecting women (Study 1). We further found that the woman card attack produced distinct emotional reactions among those with low and high levels of hostile and benevolent sexism. The attack also increased political participation among hostile sexists (Study 2). Our results offer new insights into the role of sexism in the 2016 presidential contest and further the discipline's understanding of the gendered dimension of negative campaigning.},
	author = {Cassese, Erin C. and Holman, Mirya R.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12492},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/pops.12492.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679221},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	keywords = {2016 election,Voting,ambivalent sexism,hostile sexism,political participation,system justification theory voting},
	number = {1},
	pages = {55--74},
	title = {{Playing the Woman Card: Ambivalent Sexism in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Race}},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12492}}

@article{Dietrich2019b,
	abstract = {Though audio archives are available for a number of political institutions, the data they provide receive scant attention from researchers. Yet, audio data offer important insights, including information about speakers' emotional states. Using one of the largest collections of natural audio ever compiled-74,158 Congressional floor speeches-we introduce a novel measure of legislators' emotional intensity: small changes in vocal pitch that are difficult for speakers to control. Applying our measure to MCs' floor speeches about women, we show that female MCs speak with greater emotional intensity when talking about women as compared to both their male colleagues and their speech on other topics. Our two supplementary analyses suggest that increased vocal pitch is consistent with legislators' broader issue commitments, and that emotionally intense speech may affect other lawmakers' behavior. More generally, by demonstrating the utility of audio-as-data approaches, our work highlights a new way of studying political speech. ⇤ Comments and suggestions welcome. We are grateful to and conference participants at MPSA (Chicago, IL) and CPAC (Washington University-St. Louis) for helpful feedback. Authors' names listed in alphabetical order. †},
	annote = {This PDF is from an article this is forthcoming in APSR (summer 2019) - if I later cite it, make sure I go back and get the correction citation.},
	author = {Dietrich, Bryce J. and Hayes, Matthew and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich, Hayes, O'Brien - 2019 - Pitch Perfect Vocal Pitch and the Emotional Intensity of Congressional Speech.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {941--962},
	title = {{Pitch Perfect: Vocal Pitch and the Emotional Intensity of Congressional Speech}},
	volume = {113},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Blair1991,
	abstract = {Interviews with men and women legislators and lobbyists in two southern states suggest certain variations by gender in perceptions of legislative effectiveness. Like studies made nearly 20 years ago, these interviews indicate that women are far more likely than men to recount their difficulty in forging collegial bonds. Women, much more than their male colleagues, stress the need to project "toughness," to discount any female emotionalism, and to behave according to gender-based "double standards" of social conduct. As women become more numerous in state legislatures and as legislatures, including those in this study, move toward conducting themselves in a more issue-oriented and professional manner, gender differences are expected to decrease.},
	author = {Blair, Diane D and Stanley, Jeanie R},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blair, Stanley - 1991 - Personal Relationships and Legislative Power Male and Female Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {4},
	pages = {495--507},
	title = {{Personal Relationships and Legislative Power: Male and Female Perceptions}},
	volume = {16},
	year = {1991}}

@article{Heilman2004,
	abstract = {A total of 242 subjects participated in 3 experimental studies investigating reactions to a woman's success in a male gender-typed job. Results strongly supported the authors' hypotheses, indicating that (a) when women are acknowledged to have been successful, they are less liked and more personally derogated than equivalently successful men (Studies 1 and 2); (b) these negative reactions occur only when the success is in an arena that is distinctly male in character (Study 2); and (c) being disliked can have career-affecting outcomes, both for overall evaluation and for recommendations concerning organizational reward allocation (Study 3). These results were taken to support the idea that gender stereotypes can prompt bias in evaluative judgments of women even when these women have proved themselves to be successful and demonstrated their competence. The distinction between prescriptive and descriptive aspects of gender stereotypes is considered, as well as the implications of prescriptive gender norms for women in work settings.},
	author = {Heilman, Madeline E and Wallen, Aaron S and Fuchs, Daniella and Tamkins, Melinda M},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/0021-9010.89.3.416},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heilman et al. - 2004 - Penalties for Success Reactions to Women Who Succeed at Male Gender-Typed Tasks.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Applied Psychology},
	number = {3},
	pages = {416--427},
	title = {{Penalties for Success: Reactions to Women Who Succeed at Male Gender-Typed Tasks}},
	url = {https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/95ee/77f32d270447062ef45ccd25f082574b8fc6.pdf},
	volume = {89},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/95ee/77f32d270447062ef45ccd25f082574b8fc6.pdf},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-9010.89.3.416}}

@book{Kam2009,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Kam, Christopher J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Party Discipline and Parliamentary Politics}},
	year = {2009}}

@article{Eggers2014,
	abstract = {This article considers the historical development of a characteristic crucial for the functioning and normative appeal of Westminster systems: cohesive legislative parties. It gathers the universe of the 20,000 parliamentary divisions that took place between 1836 and 1910 in the British House of Commons, construct a voting record for every Member of Parliament (MP) serving during this time, and conducts analysis that aims to both describe and explain the development of cohesive party voting. In line with previous work, it shows that-with the exception of a chaotic period in the 1840s and 1850s-median discipline was always high and increased throughout the century. The study uses novel methods to demonstrate that much of the rise in cohesion results from the elimination of a rebellious 'left tail' from the 1860s onwards, rather than central tendency shifts. In explaining the aggregate trends, the article uses panel data techniques and notes that there is scant evidence for 'replacement' explanations that involve new members behaving in more disciplined ways than those leaving the chamber. It offers evidence that more loyal MPs were more likely to obtain ministerial posts, and speculates that this and other 'inducement'-based accounts offer more promising explanations of increasingly cohesive parties. Strong party discipline is a defining feature of legislative politics in Westminster systems. 1 In modern times, parliamentary divisions ('roll calls' in American parlance) are characterized as predictable affairs insofar as members of parliament (MPs) can be expected to vote in line with their parties' explicit orders, and rebellion against the whip is a relatively rare event. 2 One consequence of party cohesion, in tandem with an electoral system that yields a 'manufactured majority' of seats, 3 is that governing parties almost never lose votes that are important to their legislative agenda. This arrangement facilitates the particular vision of responsible government 4 and accountability 5 that has allowed the unusual longevity and diffusion of the Westminster system from its home in Britain to other polities. 6},
	author = {Eggers, Andrew C. and Spirling, Arthur},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123414000362},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eggers, Spirling - 2014 - Party Cohesion in Westminster Systems Inducements, Replacement and Discipline in the House of Commons, 1836-19.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	pages = {567--589},
	title = {{Party Cohesion in Westminster Systems: Inducements, Replacement and Discipline in the House of Commons, 1836-1910}},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/},
	volume = {46},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0007123414000362}}

@article{Cassese2018,
	abstract = {Research on negative campaigning has largely overlooked the role of stereotypes. In this study, we argue that the gender and partisan stereotypes associated with traits and policy issues interact with a candidate's gender and parti-sanship to shape the effectiveness of campaign attacks. We draw on expectancy-violation theory to argue that candidates may be evaluated more harshly when attacks suggest the candidate has violated stereotypic assumptions about their group. Thus, attacks on a candidate's ''home turf,'' or those traits or issues traditionally associated with their party or gender, may be more effective in reducing support for the attacked candidate. We use two survey experiments to examine the effects of stereotype-based attacks-a Trait Attack Study and an Issue Attack Study. The results suggest that female candidates are particularly vulnerable to trait based attacks that challenge stereotypically feminine strengths. Both male and female candidates proved vulnerable to attacks on policy issues stereotypically associated with their party and gender, but the negative effects of all forms of stereotype-based attacks were especially large for democratic women. Our results offer new insights into the use of stereotypes in negative campaigning and their consequences for the electoral fortunes of political candidates.},
	author = {Cassese, Erin C. and Holman, Mirya R.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-017-9423-7},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cassese, Holman - 2018 - Party and Gender Stereotypes in Campaign Attacks.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Gender,Issue ownership,Negative campaigning,Partisanship,Stereotypes,Traits,Vote choice},
	pages = {785--807},
	title = {{Party and Gender Stereotypes in Campaign Attacks}},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-017-9423-7}}

@article{vanAtteveldt2008,
	abstract = {Analysis of political communication is an important aspect of political research. Thematic content analysis has yielded considerable success both with manual and automatic coding, but Semantic Network Analysis has proven more difficult, both for humans and for the computer. This article presents a system for an automated Semantic Network Analysis of Dutch texts. The system automatically extracts relations between political actors based on the output of syntactic analysis of Dutch newspaper articles. Specifically, the system uses pattern matching to find source constructions and determine the semantic agent and patient of relations, and name matching and anaphora resolution to identify political actors. The performance of the system is judged by comparing the extracted relations to manual codings of the same material. Results on the level of measurement indicate acceptable performance. We also estimate performance at the levels of analysis by using a case study of media authority, resulting in good correlations between the theoretical variables derived from the automatic and manual analysis. Finally, we test a number of substantive hypotheses with regression models using the automatic and manual output, resulting in highly similar models in each case. This suggests that our method has sufficient performance to be used to answer relevant political questions in a valid way.},
	author = {{Van Atteveldt}, Wouter and Kleinnijenhuis, Jan and Ruigrok, Nel},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mpn006},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Van Atteveldt, Kleinnijenhuis, Ruigrok - 2008 - Parsing, Semantic Networks, and Political Authority Using Syntactic Analysis to Extract.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	pages = {428--446},
	title = {{Parsing, Semantic Networks, and Political Authority Using Syntactic Analysis to Extract Semantic Relations from Dutch Newspaper Articles}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn006},
	volume = {16},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn006}}

@book{Rush2011,
	address = {London},
	author = {Rush, Michael and Giddings, Philip},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{Parliamentary Socialisation}},
	year = {2011}}

@article{Carli1995,
	abstract = {Participants viewed a videotape of either a male or female confederate delivering a persuasive message using a high task, social, submissive, or dominant nonverbal style. Participants were influenced more after viewing the social and task styles than the dominant or submissive styles. Participants liked task and social confederates more than dominant confederates and considered submissive confederates to be less competent than the other 3 styles. Although both likableness and competence were predictive of influence, likableness was a more important determinant of influence for female than male speakers when the audience was male. Consequently, with a male audience, women exhibiting a task style were less influential and likable than men exhibiting that style. Men were not more influential than women when displaying dominance.},
	annote = {IN GENERAL: METHODS USEFUL! 

Methods useful: participants viewed a videotape of male/female confederates delivering a persuasive message using a high task, social, submissive or dominant verbal style

Study addresses: 
1) whether a dominant nonverbal style is a more effective influence strategy for men than women, particularly with a male audience? 
2) Whether women are more influential than men when their nonverbal style combines competence with warmth than when they are merely competent 
3) Examines whether there is a relation between influenc and perceived competence and likableness for male and female influence agents 

(p. 1032) Suggested that, because of their lower status, dominant women should be less influential than dominant men 

Method: pre-test questionnaire was administered to 95 male and 114 female undergraduates 

Got each of the four confederates to perform a message in each of the four nonverbal styles (dominant, submissive, social or task). After watching these participants rated the speaker on a 9-point scale for likeability, trustworthiness, competency, persuasiveness, powerfulness, knowledgeableness, confidence, condenscending, influence, anxious, intelligent, intimidating, threatening, group-orientated, friendly and believeable 

Uses a principal-components factor analysis with varimax rotation},
	author = {Carli, Linda L. and Lafleur, Suzanne J. and Loeber, Christopher C.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carli, Lafleur, Loeber - 1995 - Nonverbal Behavior, Gender, and Influence.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
	number = {6},
	pages = {1030--1041},
	title = {{Nonverbal Behavior, Gender, and Influence}},
	volume = {68},
	year = {1995}}

@article{Joly2018,
	abstract = {Is there a link between personality and the electoral and in-office success of politicians? Using the Ten-Item Personality Inventory, we examine whether the Five-Factor Model personality traits are correlated with political success among Belgian elected officials. We look at three different measures of political success, corresponding to different stages of the political career-electoral success, years in office, and access to an elite political position-and find lower levels of agreea-bleness are systematically correlated with greater success. These results are in line with those found among American and European CEO's (Boudreau et al. in J Vocat Behav 58(1):53-81, 2001). This study offers a unique insight in the type of personality voters and party leadership look for and reward among politicians.},
	author = {Joly, Jeroen and Soroka, Stuart and Loewen, Peter},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1057/s41269-018-0095-z},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Joly, Soroka, Loewen - 2018 - Nice guys finish last personality and political success.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Acta Politica},
	pages = {1--17},
	title = {{Nice guys finish last: personality and political success}},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-018-0095-z}}

@article{Lawless2018,
	abstract = {When women in Congress solve a high-profile problem, their colleagues and the media praise their ability to get Washington's business done by collaborating and compromising in a way that men do not. The problem with this popularly held view is that it is entirely anecdotal. In assembling several new data sets to test this proposition systematically, we find that women are more likely than men to participate in the kinds of activities that foster collegiality. But we uncover almost no evidence that women's legislative behavior on fact finding abroad, cosponsoring legislation, or engaging the legislative process differs from men's. The partisan divide that now characterizes the legislative process creates strong disincentives for women (and men) to engage in bipartisan problem solving. To be sure, women's presence in Congress promotes democratic legitimacy, but it does little to reduce gridlock and stalemate on Capitol Hill.},
	author = {Lawless, Jennifer L. and Theriault, Sean M. and Guthrie, Samantha},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1086/698884},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lawless, Theriault, Guthrie - 2018 - Nice Girls Sex, Collegiality, and Bipartisan Cooperation in the US Congress.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1268--1282},
	title = {{Nice Girls? Sex, Collegiality, and Bipartisan Cooperation in the US Congress}},
	volume = {80},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1086/698884}}

@article{Shaw2013,
	abstract = {The devolution of powers from Westminster to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the National Assembly for Wales led to much speculation about the creation of a new political era that would herald new ways of 'doing politics'. It was thought that the new institutions would provide a more inclusive, less combative culture that aimed to include a greater proportion of women members. With the 'new' institutions now over ten years old, linguistic research into the participation of men and women on the debate floor shows that they participate equally and that improvements have been made in relation to the extent that women feel included. However, the devolved institutions retain some of the adversarial features associated with Westminster, and women are still subject to the burden of gendered stereotypical judgements and expectations that may affect their performance and inclusion within them.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) ``Is a new, more woman-friendly, politics developing in the devolved institutions?'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women's underrepresentation is a continuing issue -- ``Some gains have been made within Britain in the last decade or so, most notably in the devolved institutions of the UK. The National Assembly for Wales now boasts a proportion of 40 per cent women members, and in the Scottish Parliament women hold 35 per cent of the seats. However, the representation of women in the Northern Ireland Assembly and the House of Commons still lags behind, at 19 and 23 per cent respectively.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``it is now widely recognised that the achievement of a greater numerical representation of women (or any other under-represented group) in an institution is not enough on its own to improve the position of the group: the progress and influence of such a group is also dependent upon the existence of `critical actors' within the group, and on their ability to perform `critical acts'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``If under-represented groups are to become influential members of an institution, they need to participate in a way that enables them to perform these critical acts.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Can look at impact by examining the kinds of language used 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) ``The House of Commons at Westminster is often described as the archetypal parliament: it has been used as a blueprint for the proceedings - and in some cases the physical layout - of parliaments in a number of different parts of the world, while even more legislatures have adopted some aspects of the `Westminster System'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Westminster typically described as: ```masculine', adversarial forum, and one in which women find it hard to participate.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 83) ``Thus illegal contributions, such as speaking out of turn from a sedentary position and `barracking' other members, are practices that have, over time, become a feature of House of Commons debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Linguistic analyses of the debate floor of the House of Commons have shown that gender is salient in relation to these legal and illegal turns. Within the parts of the debate that are conducted according to the legal rules men and women politicians participate in proportion to their overall representation: the percentage of legal speeches and give-way interventions that men and women make corresponds to their relative numbers in the House. However, when it comes to illegal turns and barracking there is a different pattern. Illegal turns are taken more by men than by women.'' -- this also extends to filibustering which is undertaken exclusively by men 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``It is in some ways unsurprising that this highly formal institution, which has only admitted women in significant numbers over the last fifty years, is one that inhibits or restricts their behaviour.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Rule-breaking activities such as speaking out of turn are fundamental linguistic practices in this context, and these gendered linguistic practices serve to construct women as peripheral members of the institution.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``One possible explanation for such differences is that women consciously choose to behave differently by rejecting the male, elitist, old-fashioned traditions of the Commons.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``An alternative explanation is that the different behaviour of men and women MPs is a result of coercive forces within the institution through which women are made to feel like `interlopers', and are subject to negative sanctions such as sexist barracking and negative stereotyping.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) ``Traditional parliaments can therefore be viewed as a `gendered space' in which the setting and the communicative tasks, taken together, become an index of a gendered style.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Clare Walsh's work on the Church of England, analysing the marginalised position of women priests within the church: She argues that women's marginalised position is partly the effect of their own belief in women's `civilizing difference' and the resulting avoidance of conflict, and partly the effect of sexist reactions to them by male priests and the media. She also finds that `their language and behaviour is more likely than those of male colleagues to be fractured by competing, and often contradictory norms and expectations' (C. Walsh, Gender and Discourse: Language and Power in Politics, the Church and Organisations, p. 217). 
{\textperiodcentered}      Differences between the Commons and the devolved institutions: women were involved in the creation of them; the assemblies have been constructed on a principle of egalitarianism; the different voting systems and shortlists makes it possible to achieve greater representation of women 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Both buildings symbolically and physically reflect the egalitarian ideals of consensus and openness: the chambers are laid out in a circular formation to avoid the confrontational `opposition' of the Westminster benches, and public galleries and viewing points were a priority in their design.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) ``In aiming for a new consensual style of debate, a distinction can be drawn between adopting a less aggressive, combative manner in debates and the wider meaning of the notion of `consensus politics'. While a consensual style can settle deep political divisions in an amicable manner, a political consensus implies general political agreement on a given issue.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Results from this project (ESRC funded project: Gender and Linguistic Participation in the Devolved Parliaments of the UK (RES 000223792)): ``This showed that, unlike in the House of Commons, women and men participated equally (in proportion to their numbers overall) in all types of speaking turns, including illegally speaking out of turn.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 87) ``The fact that women politicians engage in this type of activity as much as men in the new institutions suggests that it is unlikely that women have been positioned as `interlopers' in the same way as they have been in the House of Commons.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``However, the frequency of these highly adversarial exchanges in all the new institutions perhaps shows that a `new' politics of consensus and cooperation in debate discourse has not been achieved. Furthermore, the involvement of women in these adversarial exchanges challenges the long-held assumption that women will make a civilising difference by bringing a consensual style to political forums.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 88) Noted here (read again if necessary) that in interviews with MSPs some felt that interrupting and `barracking' was justified in some circumstances (e.g. when a minster was failing to answer a Q) but not in others (e.g. to intimidate another member) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) ``A woman MLA said that she had been surprised by the masculine `performance' aspect of the chamber, which involved `back-slapping and insincere comments passed across the chamber for political gain'. Women MLAs also agreed that barracking was characteristic of proceedings, one MLA saying that `it is important to shout out' and join in because `you have to find your voice in these male-dominated assemblies'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``It is also worth noting that the wider working environment of the Assembly does not reflect the animosity in the chamber and has a friendly, helpful and non-hierarchical atmosphere.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In spite of these adversarial exchanges and tactics, there has been some success in the new institutions in terms of achieving a more consensual, egalitarian culture.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) ``These opinions and observations suggest that the informality and flexibility that are key features of the new institutions have been important for contributing to a less regulatory and more inclusive atmosphere in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      The clearest example of this is in relation to parliamentary language and the relaxation of the formal address forms in the new assemblies. In the House of Commons MPs must address each other as `The (Right) Honourable Lady/Gentleman', or by their constituency title. In the Northern Ireland Assembly, MLAs can use the constituency title, as in the House of Commons, but mainly refer to each other as `the Member', although there is much more variability in the use of address terms, and people also use first name and surname, and first name only.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) ``The prevalence of adversarial exchanges in the devolved institutions as it odds with the hope for a more consensual, less combative style of politics.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The interviews with politicians highlighted another major constraint on the progress of women in politics - and indeed in professional life more generally: 
{\textperiodcentered}      the persistence of gendered stereotypes.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) ``The finding that women participate in illegal exchanges in the devolved political institutions perhaps shows that a degree of equality has been reached: it appears to be easier in the new parliaments than in the House of Commons for women to participate in all the different types of speaking turns.''},
	author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shaw - 2013 - New politics Gender and Language in the Devolved Political Assemblies.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Soundings: A Journal of Political Culture},
	number = {1},
	pages = {81--93},
	title = {{New politics? Gender and Language in the Devolved Political Assemblies}},
	url = {http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/12966/1/SShawSoundings.pdf},
	volume = {55},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/12966/1/SShawSoundings.pdf}}

@book{Childs2004b,
	address = {London, UK},
	annote = {Chapter 10: A Feminized Style of Politics? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 180) ``The contention that women practice politics in a different way from men is widely held.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women are expected to reject confrontation and adversarial politics in favour of a co-operative and consensual style.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women politicians: more caring, practical, approachable, honest, principled and hardworking 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women do not stand up and waffle in the Chamber 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women's approach is `more direct' and there is less `going around in circles'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``There is also less aggression and more co-operation, teamwork, inclusiveness, consultation and a willingness to listen.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women MPs talk in more concrete ways and apply arguments to `real people'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) Difference in style is due to women and men's differently gendered socialisation and experiences -- ``the directness of women's approach derives from their experiences of `dealing with millions of things at once', their desire to `move on to something else' and their more `holistic' approach'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Conservative male behaviour was believed to be particularly bad 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 182) Previous successful women in politics have been ``hard and tough [and] played the game like one of the boys.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Some feel the style is less valued by parliamentary colleagues: ``a premium is put upon what is predominantly a male style of political practice, which is quite aggressive and quite confrontational{\ldots} [a] debating society style of presentation which men are often much better at, have more confidence in doing, taught more to do and doesn't necessarily make for any greater government'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 183) just under 2/3 of the Labour women MPs interviewed in 2000 agreed that women had a different style -- women prefer a `less combative and aggressive style' 
{\textperiodcentered}      They `don't do as much standing up, shouting on the floor of the House' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 184) Women are more measured 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``There was also a belief that women operated not as individuals, but as part of teams 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women MPs also claimed they spoke in a different language. This is the `language everybody understands'; women are `not prone to political babble [and] jargon'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``They look at issues `from a personal perspective''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In terms of a different political language, male MPs were again identified as having a different style. They had a tendency towards repetition: `men always do want to say it again', `there is so much duplication going on from one male speaker to another'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 185) ``Older `successful' women MPs were regarded as employing the traditional masculinised style and were perceived as `male'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 186) ``Party identity was also felt to be an important determinant.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 187) ``Although many of the women MPs clearly supported the contention that they have a different style of politics, a number of them suggested that the dominant masculine style of politics, a number of them suggested that the dominant masculinised style of the House was not conducive to women acting in a feminised way.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 188) ``In such a context, trying to `impose a different kind of culture if a very long-term process.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The notion that women MPs may not feel comfortable in the Chamber was evident in a few of the interview discussions. Four MPs directly stated this. Another simply stated that she preferred to use other means, while two MPs used the term `alien' to describe how they felt.'' -- this about this in regards to more women asking questions under TM? 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 189) ``In institutions where women's feminised style of politics is les valued, such as the House of Commons (at least according to many of the new Labour women MPs), women politicians seem to face a choice between assimilation or resistance, between adopting the male `game playing' or `standing out against it'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 190) ``While she had initially regarded Prime Minister's Questions (PMQs) as `outrageous', she had subsequently revised her opinion and now regarded it as fulfilling the function of `rallying the troops'.'' -- suggested that women might be put off from participating},
	author = {Childs, Sarah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {0714656615},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{New Labour's Women MPs: Women Representing Women}},
	year = {2004}}

@article{Childs2013,
	abstract = {In 1997, an unprecedented number of female MPs---120---were elected to the UK House of Commons, doubling the numbers of female representatives overnight. Of these, 101 came from a single party: Labour. They entered a political institution that had hitherto been massively male-dominated (even in 1997, their number counted less than 20{\%}) and famed for its historic traditions dominated by masculinized structures and norms (Lovenduski 2005; 2010). Many of the newly elected Labour women were known to each other, having already shared experiences of passing through their party's internal selection processes over the preceding years. Many broadly shared the same views of what the Labour party should stand for, ideologically speaking, and most were attitudinally feminist (Childs 2004). The mass media at the time of the general election, and thereafter, routinely constituted them as a collective entity---Blair's Babes---and the specifically right-wing media regularly subjected them to highly gendered criticism (Childs 2008, 140--165).},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 127) ``Many of the newly elected Labour women were known to each other, having already shared experiences of passing through their party's internal selection processes over the preceding years. Many broadly shared the same views of what the Labour party should stand for, ideologically speaking, and most were attitudinally feminist (Childs 2004).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 128) ``Labour's sisterhood'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Labour's women are, in the first instance, feminists with a shared political identity.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Yet an alternative feminist reading is possible: operating in a masculinized political environment (both within Parliament and the broader political culture), Labour women's parliamentary friendships constitute a political resource, hitherto underacknowledged, that female MPs apparently mobilize in support of each other.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 129) ``a shared sense of identity and experiences manifested through friendship can, at least in certain circumstances, enable female representatives to negotiate gendered political institutions'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Interview data from Labour women suggest that female MPs consider themselves part of a Labour women's friendship network.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) ``explores how ``changing gender relations might alter'' institutions, for example, through the entrance of women into particular institutions, as well as by taking agency more seriously (Lovenduski 2010, ix).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 136) ``The form and importance of the friendships, at least in these MPs' views, are distinct from friendships in other places of work.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Third, and most importantly, it reflects what the MPs consider as the very gendered environment they experience, and the corresponding gendered criticism they face as female representatives.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 137) ``Accounting for female MPs engaging in such public support for a fellow Labour woman is, for most of the women, best understood as ``subconscious,'' ``organic,'' ``natural'' --- it ``just happens.'' To reiterate the point, it is ``inherent'' and ``innate''; ``it's just the way women are.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The MPs' concern to support other Labour women is also very much about gender politics: about standing up for and being a ``sister.'' -- this reflects solidarity 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) ``The second dimension of women's support for each other reflects the MPs' reading of the explicitly gendered nature of the Commons and the gendered criticism of women therein.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Consciously organised by Harriet Harman 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``There is among the female MPs' reflections almost no evidence of wider, cross-party friendships among women. Adversarialism is a longstanding feature of Westminster politics.''    
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 139) ``The account by New Labour's women of their parliamentary friendships is pretty clear: they perceive themselves as inhabiting a political institution within which they are subject to explicit and implicit gendered criticism.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In other words, their friendships offer succour from a highly masculinized House of Commons.''},
	author = {Childs, Sarah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X13000019},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2013 - Negotiating Gendered Institutions Women's Parliamentary Friendships.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {1},
	pages = {127--151},
	title = {{Negotiating Gendered Institutions: Women's Parliamentary Friendships}},
	volume = {9},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X13000019}}

@article{Bligh2008,
	abstract = {The historical paucity of US women senators has provided little opportunity to study women at one of the highest and most prestigious leadership levels. Through a content analysis of 12 months of public discourse in a variety of media, we explore the rhetorical leadership of women senators as they carry out their elected roles. Results indicate that women senators use significantly less aggressive and more ambivalent speech when compared to political norms, and are less likely to use terms denoting accomplishment, praise and human interest. Overall, our results suggest that women continue to feel the effects of gender stereotypes and expectations in higher levels of political office, and these effects may have important negative implications for perceptions of their leadership and effectiveness.},
	annote = {IN GENERAL: this piece is quite helpful for introducing literaure on why we might expect women and men to behave/lead in different ways},
	author = {Bligh, Michelle C. and Kohles, Jeffrey C.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1742715008095187},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bligh, Kohles - 2008 - Negotiating Gender Role Expectations Rhetorical Leadership and Women in the US Senate(3).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Leadership},
	number = {4},
	pages = {381--402},
	title = {{Negotiating Gender Role Expectations: Rhetorical Leadership and Women in the US Senate}},
	volume = {4},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1742715008095187}}

@article{Utych2018,
	abstract = {How do the words we use to talk about politics influence political attitudes and evaluations? I focus specifically on negative affective language-words which individuals have preexisting negative reactions toward. Considering the Affect Infusion Model (AIM), processing style influences how individuals use affect when making decisions. The impact of affective language depends upon the complexity of the decision. In simpler processing tasks, individuals will use affect as a heuristic. This causes a misattribution of generalized negative affect onto a political target, leading to harsher evaluations. When a decision is complex, affective language influences how new information is stored in memory, along with improving information recall and abstract thinking. For those who are exposed to negative affective language, negative evaluations of politicians persist more strongly in memory, while these evaluations fade away when affect is used as a heuristic. Keywords political psychology, affect, language in politics Lightweight choker Marco Rubio looks like a little boy on stage. Not presidential material!-Donald Trump 1 The words used to describe politics are often strong and affect-laden, though it is unclear how this language influences public opinion. This has perhaps},
	author = {Utych, Stephen M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1532673X17693830},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Utych - 2018 - Negative Affective Language in Politics.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15523373},
	journal = {American Politics Research},
	keywords = {affect,language in politics,political psychology},
	number = {1},
	pages = {77--102},
	title = {{Negative Affective Language in Politics}},
	volume = {46},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X17693830}}

@article{Boussalis2020,
	author = {Boussalis, Constantine and Coan, Travis G. and Holman, Mirya R. and M{\"{u}}ller, Stefan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-15 16:07:16 +0100},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	pages = {1--39},
	title = {{Gender, Candidate Emotional Expression, and Voter Reactions During Televised Debates}},
	year = {2021}}

@article{Proksch2019,
	abstract = {Comparative scholars of legislative politics continue to face the challenge of measuring a key theoretical concept: conflict at the level of legislative bills. We address this challenge with a multilingual sentiment-based approach and show that such a measure can effectively capture different types of parliamentary conflict. We also demonstrate that an automated translation of the dictionary yields valid results and therefore greatly facilitates comparative work on legislatures. Our applications show that a sentiment approach recovers government-opposition dynamics in various settings. The use of a simple, translatable sentiment dictionary opens up the possibility of studying legislative conflict in bill debates across languages and countries.},
	author = {Proksch, Sven Oliver and Lowe, Will and W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens and Soroka, Stuart},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12218},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/lsq.12218.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {1},
	pages = {97--131},
	title = {{Multilingual Sentiment Analysis: A New Approach to Measuring Conflict in Legislative Speeches}},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12218}}

@book{Carroll2013,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Carroll, Susan J. and Sanbonmatsu, Kira},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{More Women Can Run: Gender and Pathways to the State Legislatures}},
	year = {2013}}

@article{Valentino2018,
	abstract = {The outcome of the 2016 US presidential election cycle generated a great deal of attention about the political psychology of the average American voter. A familiar narrative was that authoritarianism, perhaps triggered by fears of cultural and economic change, was the primary driver of support for Donald Trump. This article argues that sexism has been underestimated as a political force, especially given the angry emotional climate. The article first explores the electoral role of sexism early in the campaign, finding that sexism powerfully predicted vote choice even after controlling for authoritarianism, partisanship, and other predispositions. Second, the article analyzes American National Election Studies time-series data to examine the impact of sexism in recent presidential elections, demonstrating that 2016 was the only year in which it played a large and significant role. Finally, a survey experiment tests the theorized causal mechanism underlying sexism's influence: the catalyzing power of anger versus fear. Fear sharply reduced sexism's impact on support for Trump relative to those who experienced anger. Further, anger powerfully mobilized sexists, a group that would normally be likely to stay home. These results illuminate the role that emotional undercurrents play in catalyzing group-based predispositions into politics.},
	author = {Valentino, Nicholas A. and Wayne, Carly and Oceno, Marzia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/poq/nfy003},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/nfy003.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15375331},
	journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
	pages = {213--235},
	title = {{Mobilizing sexism the interaction of emotion and gender attitudes in the 2016 us presidential election}},
	volume = {82},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfy003}}

@article{Bradac1995,
	author = {Bradac, James J. and Mulac, Anthony and Thompson, Sandra A.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1207/s15327973rlsi2802_1},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bradac, Mulac, Thompson - 1995 - Men's and Women's Use of Intensifiers and Hedges in Problem-Solving Interaction Molar and Molecular Ana.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Research on Language and Social Interaction},
	number = {2},
	pages = {93--116},
	title = {{Men's and Women's Use of Intensifiers and Hedges in Problem-Solving Interaction: Molar and Molecular Analyses}},
	volume = {28},
	year = {1995},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327973rlsi2802_1}}

@article{Wojcik2017,
	abstract = {Why do some la wmakers form denser professio nal networks th an others? Weexte nd exis ting theorie s of gendered netw orks, arguin g th at legis lators use networkingas a strategy to compensate for a challenging in stitutional environment. Usin g orig inaldata from Brazil, we provid e surv ey-based evidence that femal e representatives in theCh amber of Deputies engage in hig her rates of in tragender networking and have moreprofuse and div erse legislative networks than male deputies. We als o provide suggestiveevid ence th at these profuse legislative relationships pay off for women in the form ofhig her vote shares at election time.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Examines why some lawmakers form denser professional networks than others -- article extends existing theories of gendered networks to argue that legislators use networking as a strategy to compensate for a challenging institutional environment 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses original data from Brazil (survey based evidence) to show that female representatives in the Chamber of Deputies engage in higher rates of intragender networking and have more profuse and diverse legislative networks than male deputies 
{\textperiodcentered}      Divide in existing literature: 1) women are excluded from the `old boys' networks; 2) women have more collaborative ties than men (e.g. Barnes 2016) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Argument: women form network ties to overcome the challenges of being institutionally disadvantaged in the legislature 
{\textperiodcentered}      Methods: ``First, we present original survey data on political communication networks among legislators in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. These data were collected using a digital network survey application developed by one of the authors exclusively for measuring network ties in legislative contexts. Second, we utilize a network-analytic methodology that allows us to test for differences in networking behavior between men and women while controlling for structural and other variables affecting tie formation.'' (p. 580) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women may advance themselves in masculine institutions by supporting one another -- e.g. Barnes (2016) uses cosponsorship data from provincial legislatures in Argentina, finds compelling evidence of thick collaboration ties between women -- ``her findings providence evidence of feminine collaboration in the form of cosponsortship in disadvantaged contexts as a strategy to counteract existing gendered barriers'' (p. 582) 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Kanthak and Krause (2012) draw similar, though more nuanced conclusions about the nature of intragender networking from their study of majority-minority group relations in the American context. They find that as members of the same minority group, female legislators place a lot of value on their female colleagues. However, this value can decrease as more women enter the institution, depending on the number of women in the legislature and how well coordinated they are.'' (p. 583) 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The legislature is a place where competitiveness, confidence, and dominance are valued. Yet engaging in such behaviours may not work equally well for women. There is evidence that when women display masculine characteristics, such as competiveness, they experience backlash for stepping out of their `feminine' roles (Amanatullah and Tinsley 2013).'' (p. 584) 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Yet Schwindt-Bayer (2011) finds that the highest performing female legislators tend to play by the masculine rules of the political game. Such a context requires women to perform a balancing act of behaving in a feminine enough manner to avoid punishment for breaking gender norms while remaining assertive enough to make their voices heard.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: female-female ties are more likely than male-male ties or female-male ties (women form ties with other women at rates about 40{\%} greater than men with men) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women tend to have more incoming and outgoing links than men, even after controlling for the intragender associations 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women are more likely to cultivate ties with colleagues who are different from them compared with men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women are significantly more likely to form ties with differently aged colleagues compared to men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: gender differences in legislator behaviour do exist, women are more communicative, they form intragender ties based on their shared status as one means of overcoming contextual barriers. However, female legislators know that they must form ties with men to access the resources they need to achieve their goals 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: finally, to a greater degree than men, women form diverse relationships that span age and experience levels. Overall, female legislators tend to foster denser and more diverse networks than their male counterparts (p. 604)},
	author = {Wojcik, Stefan and Mullenax, Shawnna},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/lsq.12169},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wojcik, Mullenax - 2017 - Men Idle, Women Network How Networks Help Female Legislators Succeed.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {19399162},
	journal = {Legislative Studies Quarterly},
	number = {4},
	pages = {579--610},
	title = {{Men Idle, Women Network: How Networks Help Female Legislators Succeed}},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12169}}

@book{kanter2008men,
	author = {Kanter, Rosabeth Moss},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Basic books},
	title = {{Men and women of the corporation: New edition}},
	year = {2008}}

@book{Kanter1977,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Kanter, Rosabeth Moss.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {9780465044542},
	pages = {390},
	publisher = {Basic Books},
	title = {{Men and Women of the Corporation}},
	year = {1977}}

@article{Schneider2014,
	abstract = {One explanation for the dearth of women in elected office is that voters stereotype candidates based on their gender. Research in this vein often assumes that female candidates will be stereotyped similarly to women (e.g., as compassionate) and measures stereotypes as such. We question this assumption, proposing instead that female politicians constitute a subtype -- a new stereotypical category with its own qualities -- of the broader group women. We compare the content of female politician stereotypes to other relevant comparison groups including politicians, male politicians, and female professionals. Using a classic methodology to determine stereotype content (Katz and Braly 1933), we find that female politicians do not share the qualities that are ascribed to women (e.g., warm, empathetic). Our results show that female politicians seem to be „losing`` on male stereotypical qualities while also not having any advantage on qualities typical of women. The content of female politician stereotypes is nebulous and lacks clarity in comparison to all other groups examined. We discuss implications for the future of measurement of politician stereotypes. 2},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 245) ``One explanation for the dearth of women in elected office is that voters stereotype candidates based on their gender.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``We compare the content of female politician stereotypes to other relevant comparison groups including politicians, male politicians, and female professionals. Using a classic methodology to determine stereotype content (Katz {\&} Braly, 1933), we find that female politicians do not share the qualities that are ascribed to women (e.g., warm, empathetic).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The content of female politician stereotypes is nebulous and lacks clarity in comparison to all other groups examined.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 246) ``Empathy, along with leadership, integrity, and competency, are usually important in predicting candidate vote choice (Funk, 1999; Kinder, 1986).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``A second explanation posits that these differences result from voters viewing female politicians as having more liberal beliefs than male politicians (the ``belief'' approach).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``we note that trait stereotypes of women in general may not apply to female politicians. Stereotypes of women are generally related to being beautiful, intuitive, and warm (Diekman {\&} Eagly, 2000) and are typically unrelated to ideas about those who engage in leadership roles (Eagly {\&} Carli, 2007; Eagly {\&} Karau, 2002; Koenig et al., 2011).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Huddy and Terkildsen (1993a) ascribed the feminine traits of compassion, trustworthiness, being family-oriented, and having people skills to a target candidate.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 249) ``The stereotypes of men and women may be converging such that men are seen to be adopting more feminine qualities and women more masculine (Diekman {\&} Eagly, 2000).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The relationship between female politicians and women, we argue, is different from that of male politicians with men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 250) ``In sum, we observe that current measures of stereotypes of female politicians are based on a questionable assumption---that female politicians are similar to women. As a result, measurements are inconsistent, may be incomplete, and the fact that they have not been adjusted over time could matter considerably for connecting stereotypes to political behaviours of interest.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 260) ``our findings demonstrated that respondents did not view female politicians as possessing female stereotypical traits in the same way that these traits are ascribed to women. This indicated that female politicians are a subtype of women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Based on the comparisons we presented, we can see that female politicians are defined more by their deficits than their strengths.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 261) ``Voters seem to be ambivalent towards female politicians and to have ill-defined ideas about what it means to be a female politician, even as they have somewhat positive impressions of female professionals, a closely related subtype of women. Despite gains in the percentage of politicians who are female, there may still not be enough women in office for voters to form a consensus of stereotypical qualities.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``We have established that female politicians are not stereotyped as women; male politicians, in contrast, do share key qualities with men, making male politicians a subgroup of men. Male politicians share the positive personality traits of men, even as they are more empathetic and viewed less in physical terms. We note there were a number of traits where over 80{\%} of respondents agreed were central to male politicians.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 262) ``Thus, the feminization of the politician role could be an indication that, relative to other occupations, the occupation of politician is devalued.''},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	author = {Schneider, Monica C. and Bos, Angela L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12040},
	eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schneider, Bos - 2014 - Measuring stereotypes of female politicians(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-9221},
	issn = {14679221},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	keywords = {Female politician,Gender stereotypes,Measurement,Stereotype content,Subgroup,Subtype},
	number = {2},
	pages = {245--266},
	pmid = {25246403},
	title = {{Measuring stereotypes of female politicians}},
	volume = {35},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12040}}

@article{Lauderdale2016,
	abstract = {Edited by Jonathan Katz Existing approaches to measuring political disagreement from text data perform poorly except when applied to narrowly selected texts discussing the same issues and written in the same style. We demonstrate the first viable approach for estimating legislator-specific scores from the entire speech corpus of a legislature, while also producing extensive information about the evolution of speech polarization and politically loaded language. In the Irish D{\'{a}} il, we show that the dominant dimension of speech variation is government-opposition , with ministers more extreme on this dimension than backbenchers, and a second dimension distinguishing between the establishment and anti-establishment opposition parties. In the U.S. Senate, we estimate a dimension that has moderate within-party correlations with scales based on roll-call votes and campaign donation patterns; however, we observe greater overlap across parties in speech positions than roll-call positions and partisan polarization in speeches varies more clearly in response to major political events.},
	author = {Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Herzog, Alexander},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pan/mpw017},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lauderdale, Herzog - 2016 - Measuring Political Positions from Legislative Speech.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	pages = {374--394},
	title = {{Measuring Political Positions from Legislative Speech}},
	volume = {24},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpw017}}

@article{Rheault2016a,
	abstract = {An impressive breadth of interdisciplinary research suggests that emotions have an influence on human behavior. Nonetheless, we still know very little about the emotional states of those actors whose daily decisions have a lasting impact on our societies: politicians in parliament. We address this question by making use of methods of natural language processing and a digitized corpus of text data spanning a century of parliamentary debates in the United Kingdom. We use this approach to examine changes in aggregate levels of emotional polarity in the British parliament, and to test a hypothesis about the emotional response of politicians to economic recessions. Our findings suggest that, contrary to popular belief, the mood of politicians has become more positive during the past decades, and that variations in emotional polarity can be predicted by the state of the national economy.},
	annote = {Useful for emotion},
	author = {Rheault, Ludovic and Beelen, Kaspar and Cochrane, Christopher and Hirst, Graeme},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0168843},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rheault et al. - 2016 - Measuring Emotion in Parliamentary Debates with Automated Textual Analysis(3).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1111111111},
	journal = {PLoS ONE},
	number = {11},
	pages = {e0168843},
	title = {{Measuring Emotion in Parliamentary Debates with Automated Textual Analysis}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0168843}}

@article{Baker2016,
	abstract = {We develop a new index of economic policy uncertainty (EPU) based on newspaper coverage frequency. Several types of evidence-including human readings of 12,000 newspaper articles-indicate that our index proxies for movements in policy-related economic uncertainty. Our U.S. index spikes near tight presidential elections, Gulf Wars I and II, the 9/11 attacks, the failure of Lehman Brothers, the 2011 debt ceiling dispute, and other major battles over fiscal policy. Using firm-level data, we find that policy uncertainty is associated with greater stock price volatility and reduced investment and employment in policy-sensitive sectors like defense, health care, finance, and infrastructure construction. At the macro level, innovations in policy uncertainty foreshadow declines in investment, output, and employment in the United States and, in a panel vector autoregressive setting, for 12 major economies. Extending our U.S. index back to 1900, EPU rose dramatically in the 1930s (from late 1931) and has drifted upward since the 1960s. JEL Codes: D80, E22, E66, G18, L50. {\~{A}} We thank},
	author = {Baker, Scott R. and Bloom, Nicholas and Davis, Steven J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/qje/qjw024},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baker, Bloom, Davis - 2016 - Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
	number = {4},
	pages = {1593--1636},
	title = {{Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty}},
	volume = {131},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjw024}}

@article{Setzler2018,
	abstract = {Much research examining gender bias in politics analyzes responses to explicit survey questions asking individuals whether they prefer male over female leaders or agree that male political leaders are superior. Drawing insights from the measurement of other types of prejudice, this article explores the methodological shortcomings of a widely used question of this type. Analyzing the results of two surveys-one national and one state-level-I compare response patterns to a standard, highly explicit question that is frequently administered by the Pew Research Center with those for a modestly altered item that employs multiple strategies to reduce social desirability bias. Compared with the alternative measure, the conventional item seriously underreports prejudice against women leaders. Moreover, the underreporting of bias is especially prevalent among individuals belonging to groups that are strong advocates of gender equality.},
	annote = {Come back to this if I end up focusing more on the leadership side (e.g. committee chairs) - not really relevant otherwise},
	author = {Setzler, Mark},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X18000430},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Setzler - 2018 - Measuring Bias against Female Political Leadership.pdf:pdf},
	keywords = {Female leaders,social desirability bias,survey methods},
	title = {{Measuring Bias against Female Political Leadership}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X18000430},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X18000430}}

@article{Benoit2019,
	abstract = {Political scientists lack domain-specific measures for the purpose of measuring the sophistication of political communication. We systematically review the shortcomings of existing approaches, before developing a new and better method along with software tools to apply it. We use crowdsourcing to perform thousands of pairwise comparisons of text snippets and incorporate these results into a statistical model of sophistication. This includes previously excluded features such as parts of speech, and a measure of word rarity derived from dynamic term frequencies in the Google books dataset. Our technique not only shows which features are appropriate to the political domain and how, but also provides a measure easily applied and re-scaled to political texts in a way that facilitates probabilistic comparisons. We reanalyze the State of the Union corpus to demonstrate how conclusions differ when using our improved approach, including the ability to compare complexity as a function of covariates.},
	annote = {This could be interesting??? - in terms of other things I may expect to find gendered differences for. Could this work for 'jargon' for example?},
	author = {Benoit, Kenneth and Munger, Kevin and Spirling, Arthur},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-15 16:12:00 +0100},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3062061},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benoit, Munger, Spirling - 2019 - Measuring and Explaining Political Sophistication Through Textual Complexity(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	keywords = {crowdsourcing,pairwise contests,political methodology,sophistication,text as data},
	number = {2},
	pages = {491--508},
	title = {{Measuring and Explaining Political Sophistication Through Textual Complexity}},
	volume = {63},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3062061}}

@article{Fernandes2010,
	abstract = {Databases rely on indexing data structures to efficiently perform many of their core operations. In order to look up all records in a particular range of keys, databases use a BTree-Index. In order to look up the record for a single key, databases use a Hash-Index. In order to check if a key exists, databases use a BitMap-Index (a bloom filter). These data structures have been studied and improved for decades, carefully tuned to best utilize each CPU cycle and cache available. However, they do not focus on leveraging the distribution of data they are indexing. In this paper, we demonstrate that these critical data structures are merely models, and can be replaced with more flexible, faster, and smaller machine learned neural networks. Further, we demonstrate how machine learned indexes can be combined with classic data structures to provide the guarantees expected of database indexes. Our initial results show, that we are able to outperform B-Trees by up to 44{\%} in speed while saving over 2/3 of the memory. More importantly though, we believe that the idea of replacing core components of a data management system through learned models has far reaching implications for future systems designs.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {1708.03074},
	author = {Beltran, Javier and Gallego, Aina and Huidobro, Alba and Romero, Enrique and Padro, Lluis and Padr{\'{o}}, Llu{\'{i}}s},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.3390/s17010018},
	eprint = {1708.03074},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beltran et al. - 2020 - Male and female politicians on Twitter A machine learning approach(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781450344661},
	issn = {1611-3349},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	number = {Forthcoming},
	pmid = {20879418},
	title = {{Male and female politicians on Twitter: A machine learning approach}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.3390/s17010018}}

@article{Yoder2001,
	abstract = {This article explores strategies for enhancing women's effectiveness as leaders by first recognizing that leadership itself is gendered and is enacted within a gendered context, two themes that recur throughout this issue. These contexts exist along a continuum ranging from male-dominated, hierarchical, performance-oriented, power-expressive and thus masculinized contexts at one extreme to trans-formational contexts that stress the empowerment of followers at the other pole. Each context suggests different strategies for making women leaders effective, emphasizing women-specific recommendations in masculinized contexts that focus on status enhancement and the legitimation of women leaders in contrast to innovative contexts with broader task goals that prove more congenial for women, as well as men, leaders.},
	author = {Yoder, Janice D},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yoder - 2001 - Making Leadership Work More Effectively for Women.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
	number = {4},
	pages = {815--828},
	title = {{Making Leadership Work More Effectively for Women}},
	url = {https://spssi.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/0022-4537.00243},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2001},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://spssi.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/0022-4537.00243}}

@article{Lin2018,
	abstract = {Parliamentary speech is a prominent avenue that political elites can use in parliament to communicate with the electorate. However, we have little understanding of how exactly Members of Parliament craft their speeches to communicate with the districts they represent. We expect that Members of Parliament adapt the comprehensibility of their speeches to their constituents' linguistic skills since doing so facilitates effective communication. Using parliamentary speeches from the German Bundestag, we reveal that Members of Parliament tend to make their speeches less complicated when their constituents are relatively poor, less educated, and come from an immigration background. Our findings have important implications for the study of political representation and communication strategies.},
	author = {Lin, Nick and Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Moritz},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/2053168018795598},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lin, Osnabr{\"{u}}gge - 2018 - Making comprehensible speeches when your constituents need it(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {20531680},
	journal = {Research and Politics},
	keywords = {Parliamentary speeches,democratic representation,linguistic complexity,political communication},
	number = {3},
	pages = {30--32},
	title = {{Making comprehensible speeches when your constituents need it}},
	volume = {5},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168018795598}}

@article{Allen2013,
	abstract = {This article uses empirical data to establish and analyse the links between pre-parliamentary political experience and career trajectory once elected to the House of Commons. It suggests a move away from the existing occupation focused frameworks towards a broader 'political experience' approach which distinguishes between traditional and non-traditional routes into Parliament. The framework is validated using data focusing on the 1997 cohort of newly elected Members of Parliament. It tracks the political careers of these individuals, asking who reaches the top positions, at what speed and whether there is a relationship between career trajectory and pre-parliamentary political experience.},
	author = {Allen, Peter},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gss030},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allen - 2013 - Linking Pre-Parliamentary Political Experience and the Career Trajectories of the 1997 General Election Cohort.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	pages = {685--707},
	title = {{Linking Pre-Parliamentary Political Experience and the Career Trajectories of the 1997 General Election Cohort}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/66/4/685/1400970},
	volume = {66},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/66/4/685/1400970},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gss030}}

@article{Roberts2019,
	abstract = {Seemingly, gender, language, and partisanship are intertwined concepts. We believe that the use of gendered language in political settings may be used strategically by political elites. The purpose of this paper is to craft a tool for scholars to test the interconnection between politics, gender, and language---what we refer to as being the gendered language
and partisanship nexus. We test our prediction using original word rating data. From our test, we find significant variation across seven hundred words in ratings as masculine and feminine and discover that words rated as masculine are more likely to be rated as dominant and negatively valenced. We additionally find that Republican men are most likely to rate words as more masculine. Using this dictionary, we find that Republican presidents are more likely to use
masculine language than Democratic presidents in their State of the Union addresses and that the Republican Party uses more masculine language than the Democratic Party in their official party platform.},
	author = {Roberts, Damon C. and Utych, Stephen M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912919874883},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Roberts, Utych - 2019 - Linking Gender, Language, and Partisanship Developing a Database of Masculine and Feminine Words(3).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	number = {Forthcoming},
	pages = {Forthcoming},
	title = {{Linking Gender, Language, and Partisanship: Developing a Database of Masculine and Feminine Words}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912919874883},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912919874883}}

@article{Pennebaker1999,
	author = {Pennebaker, James W. and King, Laura A.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1296},
	journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
	number = {6},
	pages = {1296--1312},
	title = {{Linguistic styles: Language use as an individual difference.}},
	volume = {77},
	year = {1999},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1296}}

@article{Pennebaker2001,
	author = {Pennebaker, James W. and Francis, Martha E. and Booth, Roger J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Mahway: Lawrence Erlhaum Associates},
	title = {{Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count: LIWC 2001}},
	volume = {71},
	year = {2001}}

@article{OBrien2015a,
	abstract = {In October 2012 the Danish Socialist People's Party chose Annette Vilhelmsen as its leader. With her ascension to power, women simultaneously headed all three of Denmark's governing parties for the We are grateful to Claire Annesley and Susan Franceschet for organizing this special issue and providing invaluable feedback on early drafts of the manuscript. We would also like to thank the editors and the anonymous reviewers who offered helpful comments and suggestions during the review process.},
	author = {O'Brien, Diana Z and Mendez, Matthew and Peterson, Jordan Carr and Shin, Jihyun},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X15000410},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien et al. - 2015 - Letting Down the Ladder or Shutting the Door Female Prime Ministers, Party Leaders, and Cabinet Ministers.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {10},
	pages = {689--717},
	title = {{Letting Down the Ladder or Shutting the Door: Female Prime Ministers, Party Leaders, and Cabinet Ministers}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X15000410}}

@book{Jewell1994,
	abstract = {A pioneering study of leadership styles at the state level.},
	address = {Ann Arbor},
	annote = {Primary method: interviews with approximately 100 legislators in 22 states (including with house speakers, elected presiding officers in the senate, majority and minority leaders, assistant leaders and other leadership positions) 

About a third of interviewees were women 

- (p. 1) seek to determine what makes some leaders stronger and more effective than others 
- Looking in American state legislatures 
- (p. 2) intend to show variation in styles, goals, tactics and to define the characteristics of leadership on which the most important differences occur

Factors affecting leadership: institutional context
- (p. 8) institutional power is important - leaders in legislatures that are strong relative to the governor and executive branch agencies will exert greater influence on policy outcomes, leaders in legislatures that are weak relative to the governor and executive branch will exert less influence influence on policy outcomes
- Representative character of the legislature: diverse legislatures mean leaders may have to cautiously act in response to public opinion, interest groups etc. 
- Party polarisation
- Intralegislative centralisation of power: the greater the centralisation of power, the greater the ability of majority-party leadership to influence policy outcomes 
- Professionalisation: provides resources to individual members, hence gain more experience and political independence. Professionalisation is inversely related to the ability of legislative leaders to influence policy outcomes 

Factors affecting leadership: personal leadership type 
- (p. 10) personal leadership style may differ - e.g. style and goals 
- leadership style may range from a command style throuh a coordinating style to a consensual style 
- (p. 11) develops two dimensions of leadership style and goals into nine legislative types - create an 'Index of Political Leadership'

- (p. 18) Leaders need to be many things, offer juggling competing personalities - e.g. confident but not cocky; determine yet flexible; communicative yet analytical 

Leadership types
- (p. 19)Transforming leadership: can be intellectual, reforming, heroic 
- Transactional leadership: opinion, group, party, executive, legislative leadership

Legislative leaders exert important influence in their roles: 
1. gatekeepers who can delay or block policy adoption
2. coalition builders who pass legislation
3. negotiators who affect the content of policy initiatives 
4. communicators with the broader public who affect policy acceptance 
5. spokespersons for underrepresented minorities
6. engineers of the legislative process who make it more or less participative
7. tone setters for ethics in state government
8. comonitors of policy implementation with governor and key executive branch leaders 
9. mentors to youner legislators and ambitious local leaders
10. sometimes trainees for higher state and national office
11. simultaneous party leaders who influence state policy platforms

- (p. 39) Hypothesing that leaders should be stronger and command broader support if legislatures are more representative 

- (p. 58) Places fairly high importance on the partisan composition of the legislature - e.g. what party is the leader from, is this the majority or minority party 
- Worth consideringt the importance of this in my own work
- Also considers the tenure and seniority of leaders, both of which are likely to be important - I should also consider seniority in my own work (they measure seniority in regards to term lengths)

(p. 125) Style of leadership: command, coordinating and consensus styles 

Command style:
- have a high need to control the behaviour of others 
- they will minimise participation from other legislators and encourage decision making by a small group 

Coordinating leadership style:
- (p. 127) moderate need to control the behaviour of others 
- is oriented towards negotiating over conflict 
- solicits some participation by rank and file legislators but not continuously 
- coordinates decision making in a small group 
- is deliberative, balancing action with debate and discussion 

Consensus leadership style:
- (p. 128) low need to control the behaviour of others 
- is oriented toward accommodating conflcit 
- encourages participation by rank and file legislators 
- discourages decision making by a small grouo of leaders 
- emphasises debate and discussion at the expense of actiion 
- consults minority party leaders about minority party committee assignments 

Goals of leadership: power, policy and process goals

Power leadership goals:
- (p. 130) has a high need to control personal institutional role and will only pursue roles that enhance career mobility and ambitions 
- is focused upon the inputs, especially personal inputs, into the policy process

Policy leadership goals:
- (p. 132) moderate need to control personal institutional role and will pursue a moderate array of roles only as long as they do not conflict with obtaining desired policy outcomes 
- is focused on the outputs of the policy process 
- motivated to run for the legislature for concern over a specific issue or desire to implement a specific agenda 
- is willing to challenge entrenched representatives/leaders who are on the wrong side of the issues 

Process leadership goals 
- (p. 134) low need to control personal institutional role and will embrace any role that enhances the functioning of the diverse, norm-bound legislature
- is focused on the mechanics of the policy process 
- isn't concerned with power 

These 3 styles and 3 goals interact to form 9 types of legislative leadership (p. 136)
1. Command-power (dominant 1) - high need to control others and a high need to control their own personal institutional roles to assure career ambitions. Could be perceived as self-centred and career driven with no compensating focus on policy outputs (most likely to arouse dissent among fellow legislators) 
2. Coordinating-power (hybrid 2) - moderate need to control the behaviour of others juxtaposed with a high need to control their own careers within the institution to enhance their own ambitions. Usually negotiates conflict, focuses on the inputs of the policy process, and takes occasional ideological stands with being strongly ideological 
3. Consensus-power (recessive 3) - a low need to control others but are very personally ambitious, with a high need to control personal institutional roles within the legislatures. They are supportive, democratic, persuasive on issues, and interested in teaching or showing the value of preferred positions. Women who strongly support feminist values and the incorporation of women into the political process are most likely to be this type. 
4. Command-policy (hybrid 2) - strong need to control others and a moderate need to control their own personal institutional roles to influence desired policy outcomes. They are strong, directive, ideological, visionary, partisan, distrustful of those who do not vote right
5. Coordinating-policy (dominating 3) - moderate need to control others and a moderate need to control their own personal institutional roles to assure that both personal success is compatible with desired policy outcomes. Typcally they are strong negotiators when confronted with conflict, they focus on outputs of the policy process, and build coalitions to achieve policy goals 
6. Consensus-policy (hybrid 4) - combining a low need to control others with a moderate need to control personal institutional role, consensus-policy leaders strive to assure compatibility of leadership tasks undertaken with desired policy goals. Focusing on polic outputs, this leadership type does not engage in coercive or semicoercive tactics but rather adopts an accommodating style. They are supportive and democratic, persuasive on issues, interested in teaching or showing the value of preferred policy positions. However they stop short of pushing policy preferences at the expense of relationship with fellow legislators
7. Command-process (recessive 3) - strong and controlling concering the behaviour of others but only weakly controlling concerning personal institutional roles. Oriented towards a legislative career and often concerned with modernisation and institutional improvements. May at times be ruthless against competitors and has the strongest ego identity within the legislature 
8. Coordinating-process (hybrid 4) - matches a moderate need to control the behaviour of others with a low need to control personal institutional roles. They will embrace many leadership tasks and focus on the mechanics of the policy process. Negotiation is the preferred method of dealing with conflict. They will attempt to prevent excesses by others and will promote smooth legislative functioning 
9. Consensus-process (dominant 5) - a low need to control the behaviour of others and to control their institutional context. They are supportive, conciliatory, eager to let everyone have a say, free with information, and concerned with feelings of fellow legislators and harmony

Gender and leadership styles:
- (p. 145) Command is seen as male 
- Coordinating is seen as male or female 
- Consensus is seen as female 
- (p. 146) this was supported by the annecdotal evidence from the interviews 
- "Both male and female leaders described their own leadership style, often in some detail. Male leaders ranged widely along the continuum from command to consensus leaders. Women were more likely to articulate their style in terms of consensus, though some fit the coordinating pattern." 
- Also asked to speak about general differences they had observed between male and female leaders - in general the consensus style was emphasised 
- Men often described as more assertive and manipulative, more likely to use rewards and punishments, more concerned with asserting themselves, more likely to be risk takers, and 'take up more space'
- Women are often described as harder working, less manipulative, more willing to listen to others, and work harder at consensus building 

Gender and leadership goals:
- (p. 152) suggested that male legislators are more likely than female colleagues to have long term career interests and are often more ambitious to gain and hold onto top leadership positions or to run for higher office beyond the legislature 
- More challenging to determine differences between policy goals, except some women specifically focus on women's issues

Impact of the five factors affecting leadership on women as potential leaders
- (p. 166) State political party system: women may have more opportunities to run in more competitive districts but will face more opposition in districts their party dominates. The stronger the state party organisation, the less the likelihood women will be legislative leaders 
- Legislative representativeness: as representativeness for women increases, opportunity for women to become leaders increases
- Professionalisation: as professionalisation of legislature increases, demands on time of leaders increase, making role more difficult for women to assume; but it also requires styles of leadership that fit women well
- Term limitations: increase the possibility of more women being elected and more serving as leaders 
- Majority-party position: women are likely to become minority-party leaders than majority-party leaders 
- Size of party majority and nature of partisan coalitions: in a two-party context, larger majorities increase the probability women will become leaders 
- Techniques for influencing committees: women may be particularly effective in negotiating with committees, but are less likely to use rules committee aggressively 
- Techniques for controlling caucuses: women are less likely to use a command style in running a party caucus and more likely to build consensus

- (p. 179) Most women are found to be either consensus or coordinating leaders; more than half of the men are coordinating leaders, and among the others there is a slight preference for the command style 
- Women are much more likely than men to be consensus leaders and much less likely to be command leaders},
	author = {Jewell, Malcolm E. and Whicker, Marcia Lynn},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {978-0472105175},
	pages = {232},
	publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
	title = {{Legislative Leadership in the American States}},
	year = {1994}}

@book{Volden2014f,
	address = {Cambridge},
	annote = {Chapter 2: Measuring Legislative Effectiveness 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 19) ``Specifically, we consider: (1) how many bills each legislator introduces (BILL), and how many of those bills (2) receive action in committee (AIC), (3) pass out of committee and receive action on the floor of the House (ABC), (4) pass the House (PASS), and (5) ultimately become law (LAW).'' 
  
Chapter 4: The Tale of Three Minorities 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) ``Most succinctly, the consensus-building activities of women in Congress pay particular dividends when they are in the minority party, during which time the fate of their legislative proposals in committee and on the floor rests crucially on gaining support from those across the aisle.'' 
  
The Legislative Effectiveness of Women in Congress 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) ``Scholarship on the role of women in legislatures has made significant contributions in uncovering when and why women run for political office, how voters respond to male and female candidates, and how men and women differ in their proposals and legislative styles upon entering the legislature.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Many scholars have identified gender as an important variable for explaining political behaviour in legislative institutions. For example, numerous studies have demonstrated that female legislators are more likely than their male counterparts to sponsor legislation that focuses on ``women's issues,'' such as education, child care, and family health.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 91) ``Additional gender differences have also been found in such areas as leadership styles, constituency service, and communication patterns in hearings.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Taken together, this literature collectively points to substantial differences between the behaviours of male and female members of Congress and state legislatures, such as in women's desires to build consensus across party lines.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``On the one hand, scholars have uncovered numerous potential institutional limitations that women face in their day- to-day lawmaking, especially as minority participants in a classically ``old boys club.'' Yet, in many cases, female legislators have not been found to be systematically less effective than men in their lawmaking roles.'' -- Chapter 2 shows women are more effective lawmakers than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      How do women face these challenges and succeed?: ``First, there is a great deal of emphasis on how women in legislatures feel they must work harder than men to achieve similar lawmaking success.'' -- ``A nationwide survey conducted by the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) shows this pattern most starkly, with 74 percent of female state legislators reporting working harder than their male colleagues'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) ``Second, the propensity of women to engage in consensus-building activities may bolster their legislative effectiveness. Previous research has argued that there are significant differences between the political approaches employed by male and female lawmakers, with women being more collaborative and con- sensual, and men being more individualistic and competitive.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``For example, surveys characterize women in state legislatures as ``more committed team players than men'' and find that ``gender differences are more pronounced with respect to activities that involve communication and compromise.'''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Moreover, we argue that these behavioural tendencies interact in important ways with the political party effects found to be so significant in Chapter 3. Although these feminized strategies of cooperation, conciliation, and consensus building may be undervalued and therefore hinder female legislators in some settings, such leadership approaches may be quite valuable under certain political circumstances.23 Specifically, cooperation and consensus building may help female legislators effectively work with members in the majority party, even when they themselves are members of the minority party.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 93) Hypothesis: women in the minority party would be more effective, women and men in the majority party would be equally effective 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 94) ``women are about 10 percent more effective as lawmakers than are men'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women in the majority party are only about 5 percent more effective than majority-party men, perhaps explaining why such an effect is not detected as being statistically significant.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 96) ``It is possible that the consensus-building activities of women were more valuable among majority-party women during the less-polarized early Congresses of the 1970s and 1980s than the more- polarized Congresses of recent years.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Such analyses show, for example, that controlling for all these other factors, women introduce 1.89 more bills on average than do men. Given that the average number of introductions for men is 17.4 bills per Congress, women introduce about 11 percent more pieces of legislation than do men. This is consistent with the behavioural claims of women exerting higher effort than men and of women adopting a larger agenda, perhaps in their role as ``surrogate representatives'' for all women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 98) ``In terms of the number of sponsored bills that become law, minority-party women have an enhanced lawmaking rate of 26 percent beyond that achieved by minority-party men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In contrast, there is no significant difference between the overall lawmaking production of men and women in the majority party. This is not to say that women get more done when in the minority party than when they are in the majority party.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``To paraphrase Marjorie Holt's sentiment, it appears that minority-party women do, indeed, believe they've got to play the game in order to win. And they do so effectively.''},
	author = {Volden, Craig and Wiseman, Alan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Legislative Effectiveness in the United States Congress}},
	year = {2014}}

@techreport{Sedoc,
	abstract = {Despite the excellent performance of black box approaches to modeling sentiment and emotion, lexica (sets of informative words and associated weights) that characterize different emotions are indispensable to the NLP community because they allow for interpretable and robust predictions. Emotion analysis of text is increasing in popularity in NLP; however, manually creating lexica for psychological constructs such as empathy has proven difficult. This paper automatically creates empathy word ratings from document-level ratings. The underlying problem of learning word ratings from higher-level supervision has to date only been addressed in an ad hoc fashion and has not used deep learning methods. We systematically compare a number of approaches to learning word ratings from higher-level supervision against a Mixed-Level Feed Forward Network (MLFFN), which we find performs best, and use the MLFFN to create the first-ever empathy lexicon. We then use Signed Spectral Clustering to gain insights into the resulting words. The empathy and distress lexica are publicly available at: http://www.wwbp.org/lexica.html.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {1912.01079v2},
	author = {Sedoc, Jo{\~{a}}o and Buechel, Sven and Nachmany, Yehonathan and Buffone, Anneke and Ungar, Lyle},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	eprint = {1912.01079v2},
	file = {::},
	keywords = {distress,empathy,lexicon creation},
	title = {{Learning Word Ratings for Empathy and Distress from Document-Level User Responses}},
	url = {http://www.wwbp.org/lexica.html.},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.wwbp.org/lexica.html.}}

@techreport{Strapparava2008,
	abstract = {This paper describes experiments concerned with the automatic analysis of emotions in text. We describe the construction of a large data set annotated for six basic emotions: anger, disgust, fear, joy, sadness and surprise, and we propose and evaluate several knowledge-based and corpus-based methods for the automatic identification of these emotions in text.},
	author = {Strapparava, Carlo and Mihalcea, Rada},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Strapparava, Mihalcea - 2008 - Learning to Identify Emotions in Text.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781595937537},
	title = {{Learning to Identify Emotions in Text}},
	url = {http://wndomains.itc.it},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://wndomains.itc.it}}

@article{Brescoll2016,
	abstract = {The belief that women are more emotional than men is one of the strongest gender stereotypes held in Western cultures (Shields, 2002). And yet, gender stereotypes of emotion have received little attention from gender and leadership scholars. In this paper, I review the existing research on gender and emotions and propose that gender stereotypes of emotion present a fundamental barrier to women's ability to ascend to and succeed in leadership roles. I first define the nature of people's gender-emotion stereotypes and outline why perceptions of emotionality may be particularly detrimental to women when they are in high-status positions in work contexts. I then suggest that gender-emotion stereotypes create two complex minefields that female, but not male, leaders have to navigate in order to be successful: (1) identifying how much emotion should be displayed and (2) identifying what kind of emotions should be displayed. Specifically, female leaders can be penalized for even minor or moderate displays of emotion, especially when the emotion conveys dominance (e.g., anger or pride), but being emotionally unexpressive may also result in penalties because unemotional women are seen as failing to fulfill their warm, communal role as women. I conclude by considering the interactive role of race and ethnicity with regards to gender stereotypes of emotion and proposing avenues for future research.},
	author = {Brescoll, Victoria L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.leaqua.2016.02.005},
	file = {::},
	issn = {10489843},
	journal = {Leadership Quarterly},
	keywords = {Emotion,Gender,Gender stereotypes,Leadership,Prejudice},
	number = {3},
	pages = {415--428},
	publisher = {Elsevier B.V.},
	title = {{Leading with their hearts? How gender stereotypes of emotion lead to biased evaluations of female leaders}},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.leaqua.2016.02.005},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.leaqua.2016.02.005}}

@article{Wolbrecht2007,
	abstract = {One argument advanced in favor of descriptive representation is that female politicians serve as role models, inspiring other women to political activity. While previous research finds female role models affect women's psychological engagement, few studies report an impact on women's active participation, and none have done so in cross-national research. Our work also is the first to consider whether the impact of female role models is, as the term implies, greater among the young. Using three cross-national datasets, we find that where there are more female members of parliament (MPs), adolescent girls are more likely to discuss politics with friends and to intend to participate in politics as adults, and adult women are more likely to discuss and participate in politics. The presence of female MPs registers the same effect on political discussion regardless of age, but the impact on women's political activity is far greater among the young than the old. {\textcopyright} 2007, Midwest Political Science Association.},
	author = {Wolbrecht, Christina and Campbell, David E.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00289.x},
	file = {::},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {921--939},
	title = {{Leading by example: female members of parliament as political role models}},
	volume = {51},
	year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00289.x}}

@book{Bass1985,
	abstract = {Why do most leaders or managers elicit merely competent performance from their followers, while a select few inspire extraordinary achievement? Leadership expert Bernard Bass takes this question beyond the usual speculation, presenting original research that for the first time documents the traits of the exceptional leader.},
	address = {New York},
	author = {Bass, Bernard M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {0029018102},
	pages = {256},
	publisher = {Free Press},
	title = {{Leadership and Performance Beyond Expectations}},
	url = {https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Leadership{\_}and{\_}Performance{\_}Beyond{\_}Expect.html?id=NCd-QgAACAAJ},
	year = {1985},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Leadership%7B%5C_%7Dand%7B%5C_%7DPerformance%7B%5C_%7DBeyond%7B%5C_%7DExpect.html?id=NCd-QgAACAAJ}}

@article{Shaw2000,
	abstract = {Political debates are speech events which foreground issues of power and the `floor', and allow the opportunity of assessing the ways in which the gender of participants affects their construction as more or less powerful participants in debates. Debates in the British House of Commons are adversarial in style, making it appropriate to view the floor as `the site of a contest where there is a winner and a loser'. Previous research into political debates has found that male participants violate the formal rules in debates more than their female counterparts, in order to gain the floor. Although the canonical form and rules of debates exist to `permit the equalization of turns', rule violations are common, and inequalities between participants exist. In this article legal and illegal interventions are evaluated in five debates in order to establish the extent to which the gender of participants is related to the control that an individual has over the debate floor.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 401) ``Debates in the British House of Commons are adversarial in style, making it appropriate to view the floor as `the site of a contest where there is a winner and a loser'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Previous research into political debates has found that male participants violate the formal rules in debates more than their female counterparts, in order to gain the floor.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In this article legal and illegal interventions are evaluated in five debates in order to establish the extent to which the gender of participants is related to the control than an individual has over the debate floor.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Parliamentary debates in the British House of Commons are formal and adversarial in style, and it has been suggested that men are more likely to gain and hold the floor in such formal arenas, and to speak for longer than women, whereas women tend to `leave the floor to men' (Holmes 1995: 193).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 402) ``Some researchers have suggested that the norms of men's discourse styles are institutionalised, and that they `are not only seen as the better way to talk, but as the only way' (Lakoff 1990: 188). Men's discourse styles are institutionalised as ways of speaking with authority, and institutions are `organised to define, demonstrate and enforce the legitimacy and authority of linguistic strategies used by one gender -- or men of one class or ethnic group while denying the power of others' (Gal 1991: 188).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 403) Start of page good for methodology involving videos -- uses an ``Ethnography of Speaking'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The House of Commons is a forum in which the contributions of Members are strictly controlled by formal rules about when they can speak. These are enforced both by the Speaker and through the vigilance of MPs in the chamber, who can draw the Speaker's attention to rule violations by shouting `order' as an appeal to the Speaker to stop the debate on a `point of order'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 404) ``In their study of US televised political debates, Edelsky and Adams (1990) note that debates consist of an `ideal' form, which is when the rules and procedures are adhered to and the debate offers participants an equal opportunity to speak.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``However, individual illegal questions or comments that are responded to by the MP giving the speech can hold the floor. Although these comments are always made in response to something that is said in the legal speech of an MP, when the legal MP responds to the illegal intervention, the `what's going on' can be described as `the MP is responding to the illegal intervention'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 405) Need to differentiate between legal (D1) and illegal (D2) turn-taking systems -- D1 would be an interruption (``the strongest marker of powerful and dominant behaviour in debates'') 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``An MP's legal participation in debates (whether as a main speaker or as an intervener) can be thought of as a different type of behaviour to that of an MP's illegal participation in a debate.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The differences in contributing legally and illegally in debates partly stem from the mechanism of debates, and the fact that some `legal' turn-taking with physical movements (standing to speak and sitting to signify the end of a speaking turn).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``the illegal participation of an MP shows them to be a `rule breaker' in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Research into gender differences and language has suggested that men interrupt women more than the reverse in mixed sex interactions (Swann 1989; Zimmerman and West 1975).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      `Giving way' is part of the legal system of turn-taking -- the current MP (CMP) can decide whether to give way to the intervening MP (IMP) -- the CMP can choose to ignore or refuse them
{\textperiodcentered}      Give way interventions can be oppositional or supportive: ``usually depending upon whether the IMP is from the opposing part to the CMP'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Some researchers have claimed that women are more likely to make supportive interventions than men, and men are more likely to make oppositional or confrontational contributions than women (Coates 1989; Edelsky 1981).''
Illegal interventions in debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The traditional expression of approval in the House of Commons is to shout `hear hear' to show support; ways of showing a disapproval range from the shout of `shame' to the call to `withdraw' when a CMP has made a contentious statement.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 408) ``When female MPs were interviewed about collective cheering in the House of Commons, they identified it as a male activity (one interviewee described it as `boyish') in which they did not participate.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Illegal interventions made by individual MPs are common in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Illegal interventions made by MPs can be defined as any verbal contribution made from a sitting position that can be attributed to an individual MP.''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The first type of individual illegal intervention is when an IMP shouts a one-word interjection or short comment, such as `disgraceful!' `resign!', or `not true!', which usually refers to something stated by the CMP. The comment, which can be supportive or oppositional to the CMP, does not elicit a response from the CMP or from anyone else in the chamber.''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``This type of intervention is not typically supportive, as in the example above, but is more likely to be critical of the CMP.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``An illegal intervention sequence of three parts is much more common than one of two parts. Three-part exchanges consist of a statement in the speech of the CMP, then a comment by the IMP, then a response by the CMP. Typically the function of this intervention is a criticism, with the exchange consisting of a statement than a criticism than a defence of the statement or counter-criticism of the IMP by the CMO.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 412) ``It is clear that interventions and interruptions do represent powerful behaviour in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Individual female MPs intervened illegally four times in the five debates, 10 percent of the total number of individual illegal interventions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Female MPs therefore make fewer illegal interventions than legal interventions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``If interruptions are a powerful tool in gaining the floor, and if female MPs illegally interrupt less than male MPs, then female MPs may be disadvantaged by this behaviour.'' 
The Speaker's interventions in debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 413) ``The Speaker of the House of Commons has responsibility for ensuring that the rules of debates are adhered to, so that the interaction is fair and members have equal opportunities to speak.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``When the Speaker wants to stop the debate because a violation of the rules has occurred, she/he stands up (thereby requiring the MP speaking to sit down) and says or shouts `order'.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 415) ``It is therefore clear that the Speakers mainly tolerate illegal interventions in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``As the Speakers stop only 5 percent of all illegal interventions, it is evident that an MP who wants to make an illegal contribution can do so without much fear of being censured for their behaviour.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      NOTE: might be worth looking at the bibliography of this work if I want more literature like this },
	author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shaw - 2000 - Language, Gender and Floor Apportionment in Political Debates(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Discourse {\&} Society},
	number = {3},
	pages = {401--418},
	title = {{Language, Gender and Floor Apportionment in Political Debates}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {2000}}

@book{Lakoff1975,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Lakoff, Robin},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.4236/jep.2011.24038},
	publisher = {Harper {\&} Row},
	title = {{Language and Women's Place}},
	year = {1975},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.4236/jep.2011.24038}}

@phdthesis{Shaw2002,
	abstract = {This thesis investigates the linguistic practices of politicians in one of the oldest and most powerful of all British institutions: the House of Commons. After the general election of 1997 record numbers of women were elected to parliament. This rapid increase in women's representation led to much speculation in politics and the media about how new women MPs would adapt to and change British politics. At the same time it is clear that men and women MPs are not treated equally. Women are marginalised by sexist barracking within the chamber and portrayed negatively by the media. Theoretical and methodological insights gained from language and gender research are used to explore whether this inequality extends to the differential access to and use of linguistic resources by women and men in the debating chamber. The central questions of the thesis are: what factors contribute to a participant being more or less powerful in this context, and how salient is gender to the construction of that power? Viewing the debating chamber as a 'Community of Practice' (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992), and drawing upon the insights of MPs from interview data, I describe the interactional norms of the House of Commons as part of the ethnographic approach to this research. Using data from a 60-hour video corpus of House of Commons speech events I then undertake an analysis of floor apportionment in debates. I identify adversarial linguistic features in parliamentary question time sessions and examine their use by women and men. I also undertake an analysis of the functions and use of humour and irony in the debating chamber. Finally, a comparative study is undertaken with the Scottish Parliament. I describe the parliamentary procedures and historical development of the Scottish Parliament before analysing floor apportionment, the use of adversarial language, and humour and irony in this forum.},
	annote = {Chapter 6: The use of adversarial linguistic features in parliamentary Question Time sessions 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 157) ``Typically, women are though to bring a more 'consensual' style to politics. The analysis of adversarial (or possibly consensual) features in the speeches of male and female MPs may refute or support these claims.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Notes how PMQs are considered to be more adversarial than debates ``because they offer MPs in all parties the opportunity to scrutinise government policies.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 162) ``The rules in the debating chamber about the use of depersonalised third person address forms have been devised in order to make exchanges less direct, less personal and therefore less adversarial. This itself suggests that the forum is adversarial, as participants must be linguistically constrained to maintain order.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In a similar way, Jennifer Coates's (1994) research on male and female discourse styles in professional contexts identifies the use of the speech act 'directive' as a powerful device: 'Typically powerful participants will demonstrate their power (i.e. their ability to ignore the face-needs of their addressees) by using direct commands' (1994: 76).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 163) PMQs more adversarial than most: ``The main political parties directly face each other across the benches in a typically combative way, and MPs may not cross lines on the floor (two swords' width apart) that were originally put in place in order to prevent MPs from duelling in the chamber.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Linguistic constraints are placed upon MPs including the indirect mode of address they must adopt and the prohibition of the use of taboo words or unparliamentary language. This means that MPs have to develop strategies in order to be adversarial without breaking these rules.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 164) `` 
{\textperiodcentered}      When question time starts the Speaker calls the MP whose question is first on the order paper. That MP stands up and says 'number one, Madam Speaker'; the Minister then stands up and answers the question. As the Minister finishes answering, MPs who wish to ask supplementary questions stand up to signal their intention to the Speaker. The MP who asked the original question is usually asked to speak first. A number of supplementary questions are sometimes allowed by the Speaker and this is the opportunity for opposition MPs to highlight weaknesses in government policy.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``PMQT is typically described as the most adversarial speech event in parliament. This is because the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition have a number of exchanges about government policy in relation to topical issues. It is also the session that gets the most coverage in the press, and is usually one of the few times in the week that parliament is broadcast on TV and radio news.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 171) ``Questions are often long, structurally complex and contain many assertions and presuppositions, and their function is typically not only to find out information but also to criticise, demean or insult political opponents and their political parties.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 174) ``One of the ways in which these contrasts are strengthened is by the use of pronouns to establish group identities and allegiances in order to emphasise the differences between `us' and `them'. For example in Transcript 13, line 42, the Prime Minister says 'they think it doesn't matter that these families are getting more money' contrasting what 'they' (the opposition) think with what 'we' (the government) think.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The Prime Minister often uses the pronoun 'we' to refer to the government whereas Hague rarely refers to his party in this way. This probably reflects the fact that Hague is in a less powerful position than the Prime Minister whereas every time the Prime Minister refers to 'we the government' he is reinforcing his position as the most powerful person in the debating chamber.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 175) ``The second way in which these descriptions are adversarial is that opponents are often referred to in a way that attributes them with morally accountable behaviour, and this is often linked to the truth or veracity of their claims.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 176) ``Typically the most adversarial exchanges are between Conservative Party MPs and government Ministers. Conducive questions are common, although they are not always responded to in the direct, unmitigated way in which Blair responds to Hague in Transcripts 12 and 13.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 179) ``However, although she is technically asking the Prime Minister a question, the function of her turn is not to find something out but rather to announce something and give the Prime Minister the opportunity to talk about a successful government innovation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 181) ``In some cases when Labour MPs ask government Ministers questions the function of the question is purely to criticise the opposition, so the question is extremely adversarial but not directed at the Minister who is answering the question.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 184) ``The Minister replies using few adversarial features. Although she does establish contrasts by using the pronoun 'we' and referring to 'our view' she does not attack the previous government or describe her opponents in an aggravated way.''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Table 9 shows that 82 {\%} (164) of questions in the eleven DQT and PMQT sessions were asked by male MPs and 18 {\%} (36) of questions were asked by women MPs. In this sample the number of questions asked is exactly in proportion to the representation of men and women MPs in parliament (82{\%} and 18{\%} respectively).''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Table 11 shows that in Prime Minister's question times 86{\%} of questions were asked by male MPs and 14{\%} by female MPs. This means that only one in seven questions in PMQT were asked by women which is not representative of the one fifth of women MPs in the House of Commons.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 191) ``Seven adversarial features were used, these were: opposing stances between MPs (such as the 'up' and 'down' or pro and con stances identified in section 6.3.); positive and negative contrasts (typically between the actions of the speaker's party and the opposing party); the use of personal pronouns to strengthen these contrasts (such as we, they, them and us); aggravated descriptions; descriptions which hold the other side morally accountable; personal attacks on MPs; and truth or veracity claims.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 196) ``Figure 8 shows that out of the 100 questions asked in PMQT and DQT sessions, PMQT sessions contained more adversarial questions (58) and fewer non- adversarial questions (42), whilst the DQT sessions contained more non- adversarial questions (57) and fewer adversarial questions (43). This shows that out of the two types of session and as suggested at the beginning of this chapter, PMQT sessions are more adversarial than DQT sessions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 204) ``The finding that most women MPs who asked questions did not adopt an adversarial linguistic style in question times bears out claims made by language and gender researchers (such as Coates 1991, 1993; Holmes 1992, 1995; Jones 1980 and Tannen 1984, 1986) that women avoid using a 'typically competitive, argumentative and verbally aggressive style' (Holmes 1992: 131).''},
	author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shaw - 2002 - Language and Gender in Political Debates in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	school = {University of London},
	title = {{Language and Gender in Political Debates in the House of Commons}},
	year = {2002}}

@article{Yu2013,
	abstract = {This study draws from a large corpus of Congressional speeches from the 101st to the 110th Congress (1989-2008), to examine gender differences in language use in a setting of political debates. Female legislators' speeches demonstrated characteristics of both a feminine language style (e.g. more use of emotion words, fewer articles) and a masculine one (e.g. more nouns and long words, fewer personal pronouns). A trend analysis found that these gender differences have consistently existed in the Congressional speeches over the past 20 years, regardless of the topic of debate. The findings lend support to the argument that gender differences in language use persist in professional settings like the floor of Congress.},
	author = {Yu, Bei},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/llc/fqs073},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Yu - 2014 - Language and gender in congressional speech(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14774615},
	journal = {Literary and Linguistic Computing},
	number = {1},
	pages = {118--132},
	title = {{Language and gender in congressional speech}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/llc/fqs073}}

@article{Jacobi2017,
	abstract = {Oral arguments at the Supreme Court are important --- they affect case outcomes and constitute the only opportunity for outsiders to directly witness the behavior of the justices of the highest court. This Article studies how the justices compete to have influence at oral argument, by examining the extent to which the Justices interrupt each other; it also scrutinizes how advocates interrupt the Justices, contrary to the rules of the Court. We find that judicial interactions at oral argument are highly gendered, with women being interrupted at disproportionate rates by their male colleagues, as well as by male advocates. Oral argument interruptions are also highly ideological, not only because ideological foes interrupt each other far more than ideological allies do, but we show that conservatives interrupt liberals more frequently than vice versa. Seniority also has some influence on oral arguments, but primarily through the female justices learning over time how to behave more like male justices, avoiding traditionally female linguistic framing in order to reduce the extent to which they are dominated by the men. We use two separate databases to examine how robust these findings are: a publicly available database of Roberts Court oral arguments, and another that we created, providing in-depth analysis of the 1990, 2002, and 2015 Terms. This latter data allows us to see whether the same patterns held when there were one, two, and three female justices on the Court, respectively. These two sets of analyses allow us to show that the effects of gender, ideology, and seniority on interruptions have occurred fairly consistently over time. It also reveals that the increase in interruptions over time is not a product of Justice Scalia's particularly disruptive style, as some have theorized, nor of the political polarization in the country generally arising from the 1994 Republican Revolution. We also find some evidence that judicial divisions based on legal methodology, as well as ideology, lead to greater interruptions.},
	annote = {- Find that female justices are interrupted considerably more than male justices 
- But seniority interacts interestingly with this: over time on the bench women 'learn' to be more like men in their conversational style 

Empirical analysis:
- regression analysis of the Roberts Court yields strong evidence for all three of our hypotheses - i.e. that interruptions are gendered, ideological, and affected, albeit to a lesser extent, by seniority 
- Data for 2004-2015 derived from algorithmic analysis, which was validated by hand-coding. Ran a computer algorithm that searches for '--' which indicates an 'interuptee', then examined who was speaking next as the 'interupter'
- (p. 1437) Women were speaking in numbers proportional to their numbers; the same cannot be said for interruptions 
- "But the fact that Ginsburg and O'Connor are interrupted far less than Kagan and Sotomayor, as seen in both Table 4 and Table 5, suggests that seniority may in fact mitigate some of the effect of gender."
- (p. 1439) "That means that, from 2011 onward, effectively the women are being interrupted at approximately two times the rate of the men."
- (p. 1440) Over time women have become increasingly more interrupted than men 
- (p. 1442) So, there is some difference in how quickly the Justices are interrupted, with women being interrupted somewhat more quickly. But significantly, most interruptions for all Justices happen early in a person's speech. That means that being slow to get to the substance of a question would make it particularly easy to interrupt a speaker. Thus, common use of the `female register'---saying ``sorry,'' ``excuse me,'' ``may I ask,'' ``could I ask,'' or beginning with the name of the advocate before asking a question ---could be very significant in the rate at which speakers are interrupted.
- (p. 1443) "Three of the four women who have served on the Court show clear downward trends in their use of polite prefatory phrasing. Justices O'Connor, Ginsburg, and Kagan have each approximately halved their uses of polite language. Very few of the men show similar patterns---the male Justices' usage rates overwhelmingly have flat slopes that indicate little change in behavior."
- "Furthermore, as women adapt their behavior,
their rates of polite language usage approach those of men---thus women really are learning to behave more like men."
- (p. 1443) "Reducing use of polite prefatory phrasing does not completely prevent interruptions nor does it reduce the disparity between the interruptions of male and female Justices. Women continue to be interrupted more than men, and Justice Sotomayor is interrupted despite her rapid minimal use of this language. Nonetheless, this adaptive response may reduce interruptions, and the graph shows the women are definitely learning. Both Justices O'Connor and Ginsburg were interrupted less over time, even as interruptions increased. This suggests Justice Kagan would be wise to continue learning the lesson that her more senior female colleagues have learned."
- (p. 1448) "Overall, our descriptive analysis: (1) provides strong confirmation of a gender effect; (2) indicates a very weak seniority effect, albeit in the direction predicted and suggesting that seniority may nonetheless be relevant by giving women time to learn techniques to overcome a large gender effect; and (3) lends support for an ideological effect."
- (p. 1451) "In all of the regression models, gender is statistically significant. Being a woman makes it more likely that, any time a Justice speaks, she will be interrupted."
- (p. 1458) "As Figure 14 demonstrates, the effect is stark: even without controlling for the fact that women have made up for between only 11{\%} and 33{\%} of the justices on the Court, they are interrupted more often than their male counterparts. On average women constituted 22{\%} of the Court, yet 54{\%} of interruptions were directed at them."

Conclusion:
- (p. 1483) Findings clearly show women are interrupted at a markedly higher rate during oral arugments than men 
- Both male justices and advocates interrupt women more frequently than they interrupt other men 
- Women are more likely to be the interruptee, while men are more likely to be the interrupter. 
},
	author = {Jacobi, Tonja and Schweers, Dylan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jacobi, Schweers - 2017 - Justice, Interrupted The Effect of Gender, Ideology, and Seniority at Supreme Court Oral Arguments.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Virginia Law Review},
	title = {{Justice, Interrupted: The Effect of Gender, Ideology, and Seniority at Supreme Court Oral Arguments}},
	year = {2017}}

@article{Zelizer2019,
	abstract = {Cue-taking is central to legislators' ability to make informed decisions. Despite its importance, rigorous research designs find little evidence that cue-taking occurs. This study employs two legislative field experiments, with over 2,000 observations in total, to estimate the frequency of cue-taking in a state legislature. Cue-taking is defined as the effect of an informational policy briefing that diffuses from a directly treated legislator to an untreated legislator within the same legislative office. Cue-taking is a substantial influence on cosponsorship. Nearly 80{\%} of directly induced cosponsorships diffuse to untreated legislators via cue-taking. The combined effects of direct briefings and cue-taking, identified by the full factorial design, show that cues and briefings are complements, not substitutes. Robustness checks show that cue-taking appears purposive and that there is little conclusive evidence of cue-taking through alternative contagion channels. Word count: 6,461},
	author = {Zelizer, Adam},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zelizer - 2019 - Is Position-Taking Contagious Evidence of Cue-Taking from Two Field Experiments in a State Legislature.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {0},
	pages = {1--13},
	title = {{Is Position-Taking Contagious? Evidence of Cue-Taking from Two Field Experiments in a State Legislature}},
	url = {https://adamzelizer.files.wordpress.com/2018/04/is-position-taking-contagious.pdf},
	volume = {00},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://adamzelizer.files.wordpress.com/2018/04/is-position-taking-contagious.pdf}}

@article{Proksch2012,
	abstract = {Participation in legislative debates is among the most visible activities of members of parliament (MPs), yet debates remain an understudied form of legislative behavior. This study introduces a comparative theory of legislative speech with two major implications. First, party rules for debates are endogenous to strategic considerations and will favor either party leadership control or backbencher MP exposure. Second, in some systems, backbenchers will receive less time on the floor as their ideological distance to the party leadership increases. This leads to speeches that do not reflect true party cohesion. Where party reputation matters less for reelection, leaders allow dissidents to express their views on the floor. We demonstrate the implications of our model for different political systems and present evidence using speech data from Germany and the United Kingdom.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	author = {Proksch, Sven Oliver and Slapin, Jonathan B.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00565.x},
	eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Proksch, Slapin - 2012 - Institutional Foundations of Legislative Speech.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9780199653010},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {520--537},
	pmid = {16417727},
	title = {{Institutional Foundations of Legislative Speech}},
	volume = {56},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00565.x}}

@book{Gomard2001,
	address = {Aarhus, Denmark},
	annote = {NOTE: SEE PHD READINGS FOR PICTURES OF CERTAIN PAGES 

Chapter 1: `Introduction', Kirsten Gormard and Anne Krogstad, pp. 15-32. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 15) Politicians need to use language to create trust between voters 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 16) Televised debates analysed in the volume -- 1993-1994 in connection with parliamentary elections in Denmark, Norway and Sweden; and a presidential election in Denmark; referenda on membership of the EU membership in Norway, Sweden and Finland; and a referendum in Denmark concerning the EU-Maastricht Treaty 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) Thelander (1986) interviewed 56 members of the Swedish Parliament and 16 local councils -- she also anslysed written speeches given by the same members in 1978-79 and compared them to the oral language employed by both parliamentary and local politicians -- Thelander's informants (both women and men) believed there to be differences between male and female language in politics. Claimed women used less complex, more concrete and more personal language than men 
SOURCE: Thelander, K. (1986), Politikerspr{\aa}k i k{\"{o}}nsperspektiv (M{\"{a}}lmo, Sweden: Liber Forlag). 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) In regards to the quantity of speech, Thelander found that women spoke less -- women also used the pronoun we more often than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Gormard (1997) analysed the rhetoric of local politicians during sessions of the City Council in Aarhus in 1992 -- found that the majority of politicians used a style that was fairly close to an everyday idiom (e.g. brief and to the point, and they did not embellish their contributions with linguistic puns, jokes, anecdotes, or formal rhetoric). Further, most women did not attack their colleagues, personally. (p. 22) The male members were divided some of the less senior men used a style very similar to that of the women, whilst senior men used a more traditional style, with long-winded contributions embellished with jokes, puns, anecdotes and other elements of traditional rhetoric -- more men also attacked their colleagues personally 
SOURCE: Gormard, K. (1997), `Doing gender -- doing politics: Wie l{\"{o}}sen Politikerinnen den konflikt?' in F. Braun {\&} U. Pasero (eds.), Kommunikation von Geschlecht: Communication of Gender (Pfaffenweiler: Centaurus), pp. 70-87.  
{\textperiodcentered}      Vantanen (1988) did a content analysis of political ads in local radio broadcasting in Finland in 1988 -- found differences between female and male politicians along the firm/soft dimensions: male politicians emphasised toughness more often, while their female counterparts stressed compassion and warmth 
SOURCE: Just say referenced in this book 
Summary of previous work on language and gender in the Nordic countries: 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 25) The amount of speech: ``Female politicians speak less than do male politicians in Parliament. In interactional campaign discourse, on the other hand, this does not seem to be the case. Female journalists, moreover, speak less than do male journalists in political interviews.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 26) Working conditions: ``In interactional campaign discourse in Denmark, Norway, and Finland, the working conditions of female politicians are slightly less favourable than those of their male colleagues. Journalists and colleagues listen less carefully, and the women are challenged more often than the men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Styles of speech: ``Where formal political speech in Parliament is concerned, the style of female politicians has become even more complex over the years than that of the men, as measured in the length of sentences and words; in less formal situations however, the language of the same female politicians is similar (Thelander 1986).'' ``When engaged in interaction with journalists and other politicians, women adopt a style that is just as tough -- or even more so -- than that of their male colleagues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Topics: ``Women speak, in part, about different topics than do men (Karvonen et al. 1995).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 27) Evaluations: ``Gender stereotypes seem to be at work in voters' evaluation of female and male politicians. When women and men do the same thing, it is nonetheless perceived as different.'' 
  
Chapter 2: `Argumentative and symbolic discourse in Nordic electoral debate', N. H{\aa}kansson, pp. 33-59. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 36) Studies the debates between party leaders on national television in Denmark, Norway and Sweden (using content analysis) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 39) Found that in Norwegian party leader TV debates in 1993 women contributed to the debate relative to their proportion as participants 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 42) Also assess the debates for how rational the argumentation is 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 44) ``Gender differences were generally very small. The Danish debate showed greater and more consistent differences than the two others. Danish male leaders provided more arguments than did female participants.'' 
  
Chapter 3: `Negotiating competence and gender: an analysis of televised political debates in Denmark', K. Gormard, pp. 60-96. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 62) Analyses eleven programmes broadcast by Danish national television in May 1993, during the last two weeks prior to the referendum on the amended version of the Maastricht Treaty 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 66) Analyses `invited contributions'; `taking the floor spontaneously'; `long contributions'; `competitive strategies'; `control of the internal floor distribution'; `supplementary remarks and captures of the floor'; `face-saving and face-maintaining minimal responses'   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 67) (Pictures include operationalisation of variables) 
Results: Negotiating competence and gender 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 83) ``Take together, working conditions and communicative styles are the most important ingredients in negotiating one's face as a competent female or male politician.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Speaking time: (p. 84) ``The three female leaders had the lowest shares of speaking time among the leaders'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) ``The finding that women spoke less in public than men is partly in accord with the results of other studies on this topic'' ``Yet it is interesting to note that, according to this material, women who had achieved leadership spoke less than men in the same position, and that women who were not leaders ended up in the lowest place in the hierarchy.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Competitive strategies: (p. 87) ``None of the female leaders and none of the subordinate female panel members used competitive strategies frequently'' -- ``other male leaders used competitive strategies frequently'' 
  
  
Discussion 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) ``If we count all invitations to speak, we see that the two female panel leaders who are party politicians received very few invitations to speak, as compared to other panel leaders.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The chairman also completely ignored two of the female subordinate politicians. This did not happen to any man. Three of the subordinate female panel members also fell victim to an alliance between their panel leader and the subordinate male member.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``There are, then, some subtle signs that the women in particular -- be they panel leaders or subordinate politicians -- are treated as less important than their male colleagues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 90) ``All three of the female panel leaders, and most of the subordinate women as well, fought quite hard, insisting on their image as competent politicians.'' ``The two female party leaders, moreover, made themselves visible by means of supplementary remarks and captures of the floor, just like the majority of their male colleagues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``It is interesting, though, that neither female panel leaders nor female subordinate panel members used competitive strategies frequently.'' -- they were less competitive than the male leaders. ``A woman loses accountability as a woman if she is too aggressive. For the men, a less aggressive style may be an element in a more modern way of doing politics.'' 
  
Chapter 4: `Projecting unity: strategic uses of we in televised debates', Mats Nylund, pp. 97-128. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 97) Analyses comparatively how the pronoun we is used in televised election debates by Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish politicians 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``My argument is that this pronoun -- the use of which is both chameleonic and frequent, and yet rather inconspicuous too -- has certain qualities making it useful for speakers who wish to persuade.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Use quant and qual methods 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 100) The political significance of we: ``When people use we, they manifest their membership in, or identification with, certain groups of a political, national, ethnic, gender, class or other nature. Membership in such groups nay be regarded as a contextual resource which speakers can bring to the fore and make manifest in their discourse.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``When people use pronouns like we (as well as other such pronouns as they and I), they position themselves in socio-political space; the produce and reproduce various relationships (to people, to artifacts, and to objects of other kinds); they construct their social reality. This is why studying the use of we is important in social sciences too.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 101) ``In a comparison of parliamentary speeches by male and female politicians in Sweden, Thelander (1986) found that female politicians, in turn, used the pronoun I more often.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      The distribution of we: (p. 102) comparing the distribution of we vs. I -- women used we and I at a ratio of 2.01:1 (a little more than twice as much); men used we at a ratio of just 1.56:1 -- ``analysis shows that female politicians used we relatively more often than I.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Use of who we is (p. 106):
Conclusion 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 127) ``Where gender differences are concerned, it is clear that women used we more frequently on average than men did. But the difference here was rather small, and the variations among individual politicians were more significant.'' 
  
Chapter 5: ```Trust me!'' -- On the nature of ethos argumentation', by M. Bauhr and P. Esaiasson, pp. 129-154. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 129) ``Credibility is the hard currency of politicians and other persuaders. One needs credibility in order to persuade an audience to think, act or believe in a particular way.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Another way of claiming credibility -- other than by reference to the policies which have actually been implemented -- is through political communication.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) ``Our focus of interest in this chapter is on a certain communicative strategy which politicians can employ to stress their personal character: the direct challenge to ``Trust me!'''' 
Chapter 6: `Image and issue in televised debates', by A. Krogstad, pp. 155-184. 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 155) Analyses the final official televised debate held in each country prior to the 1994 referendum on EU membership 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 157) In the chapter examine some violations of the rules: long-windedness; credit-claiming; performance; question evasion; negative attention towards fellow debaters 
{\textperiodcentered}      Long-windedness: (p. 159) When politicians aren't concise, they repeat themselves, they lack clarity, or they might digress from the issue by making comparisons with previous issues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Credit-claims: positive descriptions of one's party/association 
{\textperiodcentered}      Performance: (p. 160) consists of rhetorical devices and adjournments such as metaphors, metonyms, striking expressions, illustrations, analogies, jokes, meta comments, and rhetorical questions 
{\textperiodcentered}      Question evasion: (p. 162) to some extent changing the topic in the course of discussion is legitimate -- counted the times a moderator calls attention or other blatant examples of this happening 
{\textperiodcentered}      Negative attention towards fellow debaters: (p. 163) mainly whenever there is violation of the maxim ``be polite'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 169) Swedish results: ``The women have the fewest violations of the cooperative principle -- approximately one third. This means their contributions are more in accordance with Grice's ideal of a formal, brief and polite language.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 172) Norwegian results: the only woman included in the study was a polite rule breaker 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 178) Some of the women violate through being long winded or credit claiming, however tend to be highly personal and non-aggressive in their rhetorical styles 
  
Chapter 7: `A debate on the debates', by A. Krogstad and K. Gomard, pp. 185-200. 
  
Similarities in the political discourse of female and male politicians 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 186) Women and men use symbolic appeals with a similar frequency, and presented arguments with a similar frequency (defined as the provision of reasons for standpoints held and actions recommended) 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 187) most women and men negotiated their image as competent politicians in traditional ways that implied visibility, authority and control 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 188) ``A major conclusion, then, is that we can speak of a general style of political discourse held largely in common by Nordic female and male politicians. The styles and arguments used by both female and male politicians belong to a form of mainstream political discourse.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Men participated more than the women in the debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 190) ``In an examination of the communicative styles of Danish politicians, for example, Gomard found a striking difference in the way female and male panel leaders handled the balance between the members of their panel. Whereas most of the male leaders created alliances with the panel member who was already in the stronger position, the female leaders handled the internal floor distribution in a compensatory way -- ensuring greater visibility for the other panel member, even at their own disadvantage.'' ``The Danish female leaders created somewhat unfavourable working conditions for themselves, then, but they may have considered this price worth paying, inasmuch as their promotion of other panel members served to project a unified and less hierarchical image of their party or organisation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``None of the women in either the Norwegian or the Swedish debate were particularly attack-oriented.'' ``Aggressive women easily become `too much'. On the other hand, they cannot -- if they are to achieve visibility, authority and control -- be too `soft'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 191) ``In the debates the non-aggressive women whom the viewers rated favourably compensated for their lack of aggressiveness by violating many of the other cooperative maxims.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``while men and women used `arguments' with a similar frequency in the Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish debates, the men were more inclined than the women to engage in elaborate reasoning -- that is, to furnish more than one reason for their standpoint. This difference appears systematically throughout the three countries.'' (Denmark, Norway and Sweden) 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The women tended to mark affinity between themselves and their audience, while the men were inclined towards a somewhat more authoritative argumentation. There seemed, in other words, to be a difference in the `distance' that female and male politicians created between themselves and the electorate. Thelander's (1986) study of the parliamentary language of Swedish politicians indirectly supported this finding. It concluded that the use of the pronoun we is correlated with gender: female members of the Swedish Parliament more often said we; male member more often said I.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 192) ``we must conclude that there are gender differences in both interactional patterns and styles of speech among Nordic politicians.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 198) ``The rhetorical differences between women and men which did nonetheless turn up seem to indicate that women create less distance to their audience and engage in less elaborate reasoning. We also found that, in the case of the Danish debates, female panel leaders were more attentive -- even at their own expense -- to the balance on their panels than were male leaders.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``These qualities on the part of women make the political discourse less formal and bring it closer to everyday speech. When also behave less aggressively. Ritual aggression is a traditional feature of political debates. Refraining from such aggression is another way of making the political discourse less formal.''},
	author = {Gomard, Kirsten and Krogstad, Anne},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Aarhus University Press},
	title = {{Instead of the Ideal Debate: Doing Politics and Doing Gender in Nordic Political Campaign Discourse}},
	year = {2001}}

@article{Andersen2018,
	author = {Andersen, David J. and Ditonto, Tessa},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/information-and-its-presentation-treatment-effects-in-low-information-vs-high-information-experiments.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {candidate evaluation,dynamic process-tracing environment,experiment,experimental design,gender cues,laboratory experiment,political analysis,survey,treatment e ects},
	pages = {379--398},
	title = {{Information and its Presentation : Treatment E ects in Low-Information vs . High-Information Experiments}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Hancock2015,
	abstract = {Forty participants (20 male) had 3-minute conversations with trained male and female communication partners in a repeated-measures, within-subject design. Eighty 3-minute conversations were transcribed and coded for dependent clauses, fillers, tag questions, intensive adverbs, negations, hedges, personal pronouns, self-references, justifiers, and interruptions. Results suggest no significant changes in language based on speaker gender. However, when speaking with a female, participants interrupted more and used more dependent clauses than when speaking with a male. There was no significant interaction to suggest that the language differences based on communication partner was specific to one gender group. These results are discussed in context of previous research, communication accommodation theory, and general process model for gendered language.},
	author = {Hancock, Adrienne B and Rubin, Benjamin A},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0261927X14533197},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hancock, Rubin - 2015 - Influence of Communication Partner's Gender on Language.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
	number = {1},
	pages = {46--64},
	title = {{Influence of Communication Partner's Gender on Language}},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0261927X14533197},
	volume = {34},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0261927X14533197},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0261927X14533197}}

@article{Ainsworth1993,
	abstract = {... Before the questioning begins, the interrogating officer tells you that you have the right to remain silent and to have an attorney present during questioning. ... Because majority legal doctrine governing a person's rights during police interrogation favors linguistic behavior more typical of men than of women, asking the "woman question" reveals a hidden bias in this ostensibly gender-neutral doctrine. ... Studies investigating the impressions created by a speaker's use of the female register in a variety of contexts have shown that listeners perceive speakers who use the female register as less competent and credible than those whose speech conforms to dominant English usage. ... Once a suspect under interrogation affirmatively invokes the right against self-incrimination under the Fifth Amendment, however, further police questioning is severely constrained. ... Before the Edwards rule can operate to prevent subsequent police interrogation, the suspect must say or do something that will be considered an effective invocation of the Fifth Amendment right to counsel. ... Nash eventually signed a waiver form and made incriminating statements without having the assistance of counsel during questioning. ... In this study, I have demonstrated that majority doctrine on the invocation of the right to counsel during custodial police interrogation is a gendered doctrine that privileges male speech norms. ... {\&}{\#}160},
	author = {Ainsworth, Janet E},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.2307/797097},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ainsworth - 1993 - In a Different Register The Pragmatics of Powerlessness in Police Interrogation.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00440094},
	journal = {Yale Law Journal},
	number = {2},
	pages = {259},
	title = {{In a Different Register: The Pragmatics of Powerlessness in Police Interrogation}},
	volume = {103},
	year = {1993},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/797097}}

@article{Rudman2001a,
	abstract = {Experiment 1 unexpectedly found sex differences in evaluative gender stereotypes (only men associated male with potency and only women associated female with warmth). Experiment 2 dramatically reduced sex differences in gender-potency judgments when measures were redesigned to avoid implying that potency was positive (the concepts, strong and weak, were represented by evaluatively matched words; e.g., destroy vs. feeble, loud vs. quiet, and mighty vs. gentle). Experiment 3 tested the hypothesis that these sex differences were in the service of self-esteem but found no correlation between own-gender-favorable stereotyping and implicit self-esteem. Rather, participants showed a correlation between linking self to the favorable potency trait and linking own gender to that trait. Experiment 4 confirmed the correlation between implicit self-concept and gender stereotype using the contrast between potency and warmth for the implicit stereotype measure. In concert, results suggest that people possess implicit gender stereotypes in self-favorable form because of the tendency to associate self with desirable traits.},
	author = {Rudman, Laurie A. and Greenwald, Anthony G. and McGhee, Debbie E.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0146167201279009},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudman, Greenwald, McGhee - 2001 - Implicit self-concept and evaluative implicit gender stereotypes Self and ingroup share desirable tra.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {01461672},
	journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
	number = {9},
	pages = {1164--1178},
	title = {{Implicit self-concept and evaluative implicit gender stereotypes: Self and ingroup share desirable traits}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2001},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167201279009}}

@article{Bongiorno2014,
	abstract = {Role congruity theory predicts prejudice towards women who meet the agentic requirements of the leader role. In line with recent findings indicating greater acceptance of agentic behaviour from women, we find evidence for a more subtle form of prejudice towards women who fail to display agency in leader roles. Using a classic methodology, the agency of male and female leaders was manipulated using assertive or tentative speech, presented through written (Study 1, N = 167) or verbal (Study 2, N = 66) communi-cations. Consistent with predictions, assertive women were as likeable and influential as assertive men, while being tentative in leadership reduced the likeability and influence of women, but not of men. Although approval of agentic behaviour from women in leadership reflects progress, evidence that women are quickly singled out for disapproval if they fail to show agency is important for understanding how they continue to be at a distinct disadvantage to men in leader roles.},
	author = {Bongiorno, Renata and Bain, Paul G. and David, Barbara},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/bjso.12032},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bongiorno, Bain, David - 2014 - If you're going to be a leader, at least act like it! Prejudice towards women who are tentative in leade.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {2044-8309 (Electronic)$\backslash$r0144-6665 (Linking)},
	issn = {20448309},
	journal = {British Journal of Social Psychology},
	number = {2},
	pages = {217--234},
	pmid = {23509967},
	title = {{If you're going to be a leader, at least act like it! Prejudice towards women who are tentative in leader roles}},
	volume = {53},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12032}}

@article{Schonhardt-Bailey2003,
	author = {Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123403000267},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schonhardt-Bailey - 2003 - Ideology, Party and Interests in the British Parliament of 1841--1847.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {202012:38:51},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {581--605},
	title = {{Ideology, Party and Interests in the British Parliament of 1841--1847}},
	url = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
	volume = {33},
	year = {2003},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://about.jstor.org/terms},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123403000267}}

@article{Slapin2018,
	abstract = {S trong party discipline is a core feature of Westminster parliamentary systems. Parties typically compel members of Parliament (MPs) to support the party regardless of MPs' individual preferences. Rebellion, however, does occur. Using an original dataset of MP votes and speeches in the British House of Commons from 1992 to 2015, coupled with new estimations of MPs' ideological positions within their party, we find evidence that MPs use rebellion strategically to differentiate themselves from their party. The strategy that MPs employ is contingent upon an interaction of ideological extremity with party control of government. Extremists are loyal when their party is in the opposition, but these same extremists become more likely to rebel when their party controls government. Additionally, they emphasize their rebellion through speeches. Existing models of rebellion and party discipline do not account for government agenda control and do not explain these patterns.},
	author = {Slapin, Jonathan B. and Kirkland, Justin H. and Lazzaro, Joseph A. and Leslie, Patrick A. and O'Grady, Tom},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000375},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Slapin et al. - 2018 - Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {1},
	pages = {15--30},
	title = {{Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000375},
	volume = {112},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000375}}

@book{Grace2017a,
	address = {London},
	author = {Crace, John},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Guardian Faber Publishing},
	title = {{I, Maybot: The Rise and Fall}},
	year = {2017}}

@book{Thomas1994,
	abstract = {The number of women in public office increased dramatically in recent elections, especially in state legislatures where one-fifth of the seats are now held by women. How Women Legislate offers a uniquely comprehensive and timely study of the effects women have had on legislation and the lawmaking process, analyzing the differences between women's and men's backgrounds before entering public office, and differences in their agendas, priorities, working styles, and leadership once they are in office. Arguing that there is a significant difference in legislative outcomes when the number of women in a given legislature reaches a certain threshold, the author provides one of the first analyses of the overall effects of women on the laws that are passed and on the way legislative business is done.},
	address = {Oxford, UK},
	annote = {Asks questions about how women in legislative office have impacted on political processes and products, and, if so, is that impact similar to or different from the impact of men? Whatever the impact, how should it be judged and evaluated? What about the political, social, and cultural environments helps us to understand why and how women participate as they do? 

Note to self: read chapters 2, 4, 5 and 6; don't read chapter 3

Chapter 4:
- focuses on which aspects of institutions allow the emergence or repression of women's unique conditions 
- Book argues that institutional environments with higher proportions of women will be best for the development of women's voices and policy priorities
- Psychology and sociology literatures are rich with analyses of how institutional environments develop norms of behaviour related to the behaviour of their dominant groups 
- (p 87) When the relationship between minority and majority groups approaches balances, members of the minority are freer to display distinctive behaviours 
- Kanter: the closer women and men are to the same proportion in groups, the less women feel constrained in their actions and the less their behaviour is unnatural 
- "relative numbers of socially or culturally different people in a group are seen as critical in shaping interaction dynamics." 
- (p. 89) In cases where there are more women and supportive colleagues (other women) female representatives might be encouraged to speak out and participate more},
	author = {Thomas, Sue},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	edition = {First},
	isbn = {9780195085075},
	pages = {1--205},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{How Women Legislate}},
	year = {1994}}

@article{Karpowitz2017,
	abstract = {Women are dramatically underrepresented in legislative bodies, and most scholars agree that the greatest limiting factor is the lack of female candidates (supply). However, voters' subconscious biases (demand) may also play a role, particularly among conservatives. We designed an original field experiment to test whether messages from party leaders can affect women's electoral success. The experimental treatments involved messages from a state Republican Party chair to the leaders of 1,842 precinct-level caucus meetings. We find that party leaders' efforts to stoke both supply and demand (and especially both together) increase the number of women elected as delegates to the statewide nominating convention. We replicate this finding in a survey experiment with a national sample of validated Republican primary election voters (N = 2,897). Our results suggest that simple interventions from party leaders can affect the behavior of candidates and voters and ultimately lead to a substantial increase in women's descriptive representation.},
	author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Monson, J. Quin and Preece, Jessica Robinson},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12300},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Monson, Preece - 2017 - How to Elect More Women Gender and Candidate Success in a Field Experiment.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {4},
	pages = {927--943},
	title = {{How to Elect More Women: Gender and Candidate Success in a Field Experiment}},
	volume = {61},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12300}}

@article{Karpowitz2015,
	abstract = {In this brief response, we take up several themes raised by the scholars who responded to our work, paying special attention to the interaction between individuals and group contexts. We argue that our study represents a productive first step in the attempt to understand how norms shape individual behavior, discursive dynamics, collective outcomes, and overall authority in small-group settings.},
	author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F. and Mendelberg, Tali and Mattioli, Lauren},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/21565503.2014.999808},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Mattioli - 2015 - How group forces demonstrate the malleability of gendered behavior.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
	number = {1},
	pages = {203--208},
	title = {{How group forces demonstrate the malleability of gendered behavior}},
	volume = {3},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2014.999808}}

@article{Ban2020,
	author = {Ban, Pamela and Grimmer, Justin and Kaslovsky, Jaclyn and West, Emily},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	title = {{How Does the Rising Number of Women in the U.S. Congress Change the Dynamcis of Policy-making? Evidence from House Committee Hearings}},
	year = {2020}}

@article{Lowndes2020,
	abstract = {Understanding the role of institutions can help explain why gender equality policies often fail and why the efforts of gender equality advocates are frequently frustrated. Focusing on micro-foundations and using cases from comparative politics, the article builds a model that specifies the mechanisms whereby political institutions are systematically gendered. Political opportunities and outcomes are shaped not only by rules 'about gender' but also by seemingly neutral rules that have 'gendered effects', due to their interaction with institutions outside the realm of formal politics. Rules shape behaviour in gendered ways through mechanisms of regulation, obligation and persuasion. Actors reproduce gendered institutions through enacting rules, but they also generate change through adapting, resisting or reforming them. The article specifies concepts and methods for researching how political institutions are gendered within and across political systems. It also identifies points of intervention for those seeking to build more gender-just political institutions.},
	author = {Lowndes, Vivien},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0032321719867667},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lowndes - 2020 - How Are Political Institutions Gendered.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {gender,institutions,rules},
	number = {3},
	pages = {543--564},
	title = {{How Are Political Institutions Gendered?}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321719867667},
	volume = {68},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321719867667}}

@article{Bakker2020,
	abstract = {Canonical theories of opinion formation attribute an important role to affect. But how and for whom affect matters is theoretically underdeveloped. We establish the circumplex model in political science as a theory of core affect. In this theory unconscious emotional processes vary in level (arousal, measured with skin conductance) and direction (valence, measured with facial electromyography). We theorize that knowledge, attitude extremity, and (in)congruence with political rhetoric explain variation in affective responses. In a large lab study (N = 397), participants watched video clips with left-wing or right-wing rhetoric on prominent issues. We find that people with extreme attitudes experience more arousal in response to political rhetoric and that political rhetoric incongruent with prior attitudes evokes negative affect. Moreover, we show that affective responses lead to opinion change, independent of self-reported emotions. We conclude by setting a research agenda for the alignment between affective and cognitive components of emotions and their consequences.},
	author = {Bakker, Bert N. and Schumacher, G. I.J.S. and Rooduijn, Matthijs},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055420000519},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/hot-politics-affective-responses-to-political-rhetoric.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15375943},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	pages = {150--164},
	title = {{Hot Politics? Affective Responses to Political Rhetoric}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000519}}

@incollection{Vercoe2014,
	abstract = {Although leadership studies identify charisma as an important characteristic of effective leaders, there has been little research into the ways that political figures use rhetorical constructs to project charisma and virtually none into the interaction between gender expectations and charismatic rhetoric. In this chapter, we trace Hillary Clinton's use of different types of charismatic rhetoric depending on the political context and gender expectations.},
	address = {Oxford, UK},
	annote = {This study is useful: uses computer aided content analysis and looks at different communal/agentic rhetorical styles},
	author = {Vercoe, Moana and Gonzalez, Randall and Schroedel, Jean Reith},
	booktitle = {Women and Elective Office: Past, Present, and Future},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199328734.001.0001},
	editor = {Thomas, Sue and Wilcox, Clyde},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vercoe, Gonzalez, Schroedel - 2014 - Hillary Rodham Clinton A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Female Political Figures.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9780199328734},
	pages = {80--96},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Hillary Rodham Clinton: A Case Study in the Rhetoric of Female Political Figures}},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199328734.001.0001}}

@article{Gross2019,
	abstract = {What will motivate citizens to support efforts to help those in need? Charitable organizations seeking support for their cause will often use the story of a specific individual to illustrate the problem and generate support. We explore the effectiveness of this strategy using the issue of homelessness. Specifically, we examine the role that the race of beneficiaries featured in a message, and the inclusion of deserv-ingness cues highlighting external attributions for an individual's homelessness have on willingness to donate to the homeless and support government efforts to address homelessness. Utilizing two experiments with a nationally representative probability sample and an online opt-in quota sample, we find significant effects of deserving-ness information on expressions of sympathy, and on support for government efforts to address homelessness when viewing individuals from one's own racial group. Direct effects on charitable giving are inconsistent across studies, with modest evidence that deservingness cues are associated with donation behavior in one. We also uncover interesting heterogeneity in how individuals react to a message about the homeless based on their predispositions. We discuss the implications for those utilizing this messaging strategy.},
	author = {Gross, Kimberly and Wronski, Julie},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-019-09562-9},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gross, Wronski - 2019 - Helping the Homeless The Role of Empathy, Race and Deservingness in Motivating Policy Support and Charitable Giv.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0123456789},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Deservingness,Emotion,Race},
	title = {{Helping the Homeless: The Role of Empathy, Race and Deservingness in Motivating Policy Support and Charitable Giving}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09562-9},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-019-09562-9}}

@book{brooks2013he,
	author = {Brooks, Deborah Jordan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Princeton University Press},
	title = {{He runs, she runs: Why gender stereotypes do not harm women candidates}},
	year = {2013}}

@book{Dahlerup2017,
	abstract = {Why are women still under--represented in politics? Can we speak of democracy when women are not fully included in political decision--making? Some argue that we are on the right track to full gender equality in politics, while others talk about women hitting the glass ceiling or being included in institutions with shrinking power, not least as a result of neo--liberalism. In this powerful essay, internationally renowned scholar of gender and politics Drude Dahlerup explains how democracy has failed women and what can be done to tackle it. Political institutions, including political parties, she argues, are the real gatekeepers to elected positions all over the world, but they need to be much more inclusive. By reforming these institutions and carefully implementing gender quotas we can move towards improved gender equality and greater democratization.},
	address = {London},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Argument that many would say democracy has failed women since less than a quarter of the world's legislative seats are held by women 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 21) ``Male suffrage was for long considered sufficient for fulfilling the criteria of popular participation and embedded in most definitions of democracy.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 34-35) On one element of male dominance in legislatures: ``The sixth dimension concerns the gendered perceptions of politicians, especially how women politicians are depictured in the media, and how party leaders -- when looking for candidates -- tend to frame women within a traditional discourse of what a `strong' politician looks like.'' ``The greatest obstacle to change is the conception that the existing political structures are the natural order of things.''},
	author = {Dahlerup, Drude},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	pages = {144},
	publisher = {Polity},
	title = {{Has Democracy Failed Women?}},
	year = {2017}}

@incollection{Lunenborg2015,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 275) ``The article discusses the relation of gender and power in journalistic coverage of leading politicians.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Uses qualitative textual analysis of printed news media -- combined qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The analysis shows that the almost normal presence of women in powerful political positions requires new modes of media analysis.  e dichotomist distinction between male and female actors and a specific focus on forms of women's stereotyping does not lead to sufficient results.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Despite being often expected to act as a role model, most conservative female politicians have neither explicitly advocated feminism nor encouraged specific strategies for equal opportunities for women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 276) need to examine how concepts of femininity and masculinity are presented in the media 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 279) ``Thus we do not ask how Angela Merkel is represented ``as a woman'' in the media, but how does the journalistic discourse rely on concepts of gender in the negotiation of power.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 281) Merkel is specifically and explicitly marked as a female in the German press -- e.g. `first woman chancellor' or `Ms. Merkel' (despite standard German press practice being to refer to politicians by the last name only) 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``References to sex/gender, her social status as a woman or her token status remain common in the coverage of Merkel.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Moreover, the media coverage turns Merkel into the ``mother of the nation'' or a ``Mum.''  is attribution does not designate an actual position (Merkel does not have children) but it marks her political style as caring and motherly, but also bossy. This is remarkable because Merkel herself rarely uses emotional language or outright compassionate statements (Holtz-Bacha 2008).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The metaphoric repertoire available to journalists for describing women in such powerful positions still seems to be limited to the stock imagery of home and family life. By tying these gendered labels to Merkel's political style, this coverage uses concepts of maternal, nurturing femininity as patterns of interpretation for Merkel's political work.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Moreover, the descriptions of Steinmeier also demonstrate that media coverage of male politicians tends to use more explicit attributions of power and dominance. He is characterized as a ``Messiah with briefcase,'' ``fighter'' or ``radiant hero.''  e media vocabulary is also based on the idea of the male politician as professional and career-oriented, as ``statesman,'' ``technocrat'' or ``bureaucrat.''  e main attributes of male hegemony are continuously reproduced: male politicians are associated with power, strength, professionalism and competition.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Journalistic depictions tended to be gendered 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 284) ``It is no longer possible to diagnose textual manifestations of simple mediated gender inequalities -- such as the typical stereotype of women as soft, incompetent or otherwise ``lacking'' political leaders. Instead, the media coverage mostly represents Merkel as an active, competent, and powerful individual. Discrimination, sexist devaluations or belittlements referring to gender are rare exceptions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Merkel is often described as a power politician; the media problematize her power political interests and strategic skills: ``the only election campaign she is interested in, is her own,'' writes the newsweekly Der Spiegel (July 21, 2008).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Given the associations of power and masculinity, Merkel's description as a power politician seems to be based on her masculinization. Yet the general tenor of this criticism not necessarily suggests a traditional gender positioning or the denigration of a female politician.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 285) ``This quotation exemplifies threatened masculinity. Worried about the established female power (of Merkel), the tabloid denigrates supportive masculinity with homo- sexual connotations as a forfeiture of power.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 286) ``Evaluating the overall representation of Merkel, we find a strong tendency to cover her as a powerful woman in the political arena. But even a powerful politician like Merkel continues to operate in an ideology that subordinates women to men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Moreover, the journalistic coverage continues to engage in gender-based dichotomies: In the media coverage, Merkel as ``Mum'' is as visible as Merkel as the ``power politician.'' In the journalistic framing of the German Chancellor, male and female connotation patterns are recognizable.''},
	author = {L{\"{u}}nenborg and Maier},
	booktitle = {Discourse, Politics and Women as Global Leaders},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	pages = {275--291},
	publisher = {John Benjamins Publishing Company},
	title = {{Governing in the gendered structure of power: The media discourse on Angela Merkel and her power-driven leadership style}},
	year = {2015}}

@incollection{Shaw2006,
	address = {Basingstoke, UK},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) ``In possibly no profession other than politics does success depend so strongly upon an individual's ability to speak effectively in public and often adversarial contexts.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Parliaments have been almost exclusively the realm of male politicians until the latter half of the twentieth century, and as they are governed by rules devised to constrain the debate discourse they provide a unique context within which to examine the relationship between language use, gender and power in public institutions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) ``It has been claimed that `institutions are organised to define, demonstrate and enforce the legitimacy and authority of linguistic strategies used by one gender -- or men of one class or ethnic group -- whilst denying the power of others' (Gal, 1991: 188). This means that women's language and behaviour are more likely than that of male colleagues to be affected by contradictory expectations and institutional constraints.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 84) ``Previous research into political debates suggests women do not transgress rules to gain advantage in debates as much as their male counterparts.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Christie's (2003) work on language, gender and politeness in political debates found that women MPs in House of Commons debates conform to transactional discourse norms. Women MPs in Christie's data corpus were not repetitive and managed to be sufficiently brief, whereas male MPs were admonished by the Speaker (moderator) 30 times for breaching these rules.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) ``The rules governing parliamentary language ensure that exchanges do not become too personal and confrontational and include the rule that all speeches should be addressed to the Speaker and not directly to a political opponent.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 89) ``Not only are women more `visible' than men in this forum (Puwar, 2004) but they may have to work harder than men to gain respect and be seen as equal colleagues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 92) ``As male speakers made 90 per cent of all the individual illegal utterances in five debates this suggests that this type of rule-breaking has to some degree been accepted as a masculine `norm' in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 94) ``women are disadvantaged by their reluctance to transgress these rules'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 95) ``These examples show that women MPs may be more conscious of adhering to debate rules than their male colleagues. One explanation for this could be that women MPs consciously choose to behave differently by rejecting the male, elitist, old-fashioned traditions of the House of Commons. This would mean that women MPs are choosing not to break the rules in debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``But it could be that women MPs are actively seeking to alter the culture and norms of the debating chamber.''},
	author = {Shaw, Sylvia},
	booktitle = {Speaking Out: The Female Voice in Public Contexts},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	editor = {Baxter, Judith},
	pages = {81--95},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{Governed by the Rules?: The Female Voice in Parliamentary Debates}},
	year = {2006}}

@inproceedings{Pennington2014,
	abstract = {Recent methods for learning vector space representations of words have succeeded in capturing fine-grained semantic and syntactic regularities using vector arithmetic , but the origin of these regularities has remained opaque. We analyze and make explicit the model properties needed for such regularities to emerge in word vectors. The result is a new global log-bilinear regression model that combines the advantages of the two major model families in the literature: global matrix factorization and local context window methods. Our model efficiently leverages statistical information by training only on the nonzero elements in a word-word co-occurrence matrix, rather than on the entire sparse matrix or on individual context windows in a large corpus. The model produces a vector space with meaningful sub-structure, as evidenced by its performance of 75{\%} on a recent word analogy task. It also outperforms related models on similarity tasks and named entity recognition.},
	author = {Pennington, Jeffrey and Socher, Richard and Manning, Christopher D},
	booktitle = {Proceedings of the 2014 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing (EMNLP)},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pennington, Socher, Manning - 2014 - GloVe Global Vectors for Word Representation.pdf:pdf},
	pages = {1532--1543},
	title = {{GloVe: Global Vectors for Word Representation}},
	year = {2014}}

@article{Cejka1999a,
	abstract = {This study examines the role of gender stereotypes in justifying the social system by maintaining the division of labor between the sexes. The distribution of the sexes in 80 occupations was predicted from participants' beliefs that six dimensions of gender-stereotypic attributes contribute to occupational success: masculine physical, feminine physical, masculine personality, feminine personality, masculine cognitive, and feminine cognitive. Findings showed that, to the extent that occupations were female dominated, feminine personality or physical attributes were thought more essential for success; to the extent that occupations were male dominated, masculine personality or physical attributes were thought more essential. Demonstrating the role of gender stereotypes in justifying gender hierarchy, occupations had higher prestige in that participants believed that they required masculine personality or cognitive attributes for success, and they had higher earnings to the extent that they were thought to require masculine personality attributes.},
	author = {Cejka, Mary Ann and Eagly, Alice},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cejka, Eagly - 1999 - Gender-Stereotypic Images of Occupations Correspond to the Sex Segregation of Employment.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1999413423},
	journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
	number = {4},
	pages = {413--423},
	title = {{Gender-Stereotypic Images of Occupations Correspond to the Sex Segregation of Employment}},
	volume = {25},
	year = {1999}}

@book{Barnes2016b,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Barnes, Tiffany},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Gendering Legislative Behaviour: Institutional Constraints and Collaboration}},
	year = {2016}}

@article{Ilie2013a,
	abstract = {Parliaments are basically adversarial settings that instantiate the polarization of political power. In debating the pros and cons of available alternatives, parliamentarians are supposed to observe convention-based institutional norms and regulations. However, in critical moments these rules are strategically violated to achieve political goals. Gender-related asymmetries in parliamentary power balance tend to emerge in disorderly parliamentary behaviour and/or disruptive discourse practices. This article focuses on the way in which the rules, procedures and practices of parliamentary interaction are being transgressed in mixed-gender encounters. The results indicate that a range of five context-specific master suppression techniques1 are used by both female and male MPs to enact and reinforce their own power position and, at the same time, to challenge and undermine the opponent's authority and credibility. A micro-level analysis of gender-related disruptive discourse practices in the UK Parliament and ...},
	annote = {From Duplicate 2 (Gendering confrontational rhetoric: discursive disorder in the British and Swedish parliaments - Ilie, Cornelia)

  {\textperiodcentered}      (p. 501) ``Parliaments are basically adversarial settings that instantiate the polarization of political power.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In debating the pros and cons of available alternatives, parliamentarians are supposed to observe convention-based institutional norms and regulations. However, in critical moments these rules are strategically violated to achieve political goals.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Gender-related asymmetries in parliamentary power balance tend to emerge in disorderly parliamentary behaviour and/or disruptive discourse practices.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``This article focuses on the way in which the rules, procedures and practices of parliamentary interaction are being transgressed in mixed-gender encounters.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The results indicate that a range of five context-specific master suppression techniques are used by both female and male MPs to enact and reinforce their own power position and, at the same time, to challenge and undermine the opponent's authority and credibility.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``A micro-level analysis of gender- related disruptive discourse practices in the UK Parliament and the Swedish Riksdag shows how different parliaments, with different rhetorical styles and traditions, often exhibit different forms and manifestations of rule violation, on the one hand, and different reactions to disorderly discursive behaviour, on the other.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The adversarial nature of parliamentary dialogue and the confrontational style of interpersonal deliberation are constitutive features of parliaments as norm-regulated and convention-based institutions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Parliamentary conventions are both a prerequisite and a challenge for MPs, who are expected to comply with institutional norms (according to parliamentary order), while at the same time they attempt to break these very norms (through parliamentary disorderly behaviour). Such disorderly parliamentary behaviour and/or disruptive discourse practices tend to exhibit gender- related asymmetries in parliamentary power balance.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 502) ``The ritualization of parliamentary proceedings has gradually been reinforced by increasing regularization of the collective behaviour and reinforcement of institutional roles of MPs, on the one hand, and by conventionalization of the structures of the interpersonal dialogue and diversification of the concrete instantiations of confrontational encounters, on the other.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``This article examines the ways in which the rules and practices of parliamentary interaction are being transgressed in mixed-gender encounters, when rational behaviour and politeness are replaced with face-threatening behaviour in the form of non-institutional forms of address, ranging from impolite to aggressive.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 503) ``Gender roles are produced, reproduced and actualised though contextually gendered activities in communication.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The long predominance of one gender in institutions creates and maintains institution-specific ideologies and gender-related expectations about how to behave, interact and speak.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``At the same time, interactional styles traditionally used by individuals in authoritative positions become authoritative themselves and come to be seen as `speaking with authority'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The result of these combined processes is that expectations for how individuals in positions of authority should speak to those in subordinate positions are similar to expectations for how men should speak and interact.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The study of parliamentary discourse strategies provides important clues about the ways in which multiple roles, including gender roles, are instantiated in parliament, as a community of practice regulated by particular institutional norms and discursive constraints.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``As Bem pointed out, gender norms often include a lens of ``gender polarization'' -- the ideology that women's and men's behaviour is dichotomous. When viewed through this lens, women and men who diverge from gender norms tend to be perceived as speaking and behaving `like the other side'''. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``According to Lovenduski's insightful observations, gender plays out differ- ently in different institutions. She emphasized that: `the successful application of the concept of gender to the investigation of political institutions must acknowledge not only the complexity of gender but also the nature of the particular institution and the kinds of masculinities and femininities that are performed.''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Consequently, the same type of institution, e.g. parliament, will display a wide range of similarities, but also variations, across cultural and national borders.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 504) ``Recent research studies report that female MPs in various parliaments, including the UK Parliament and the Swedish Riksdag, feel that they are constantly scrutinized and unfairly criticized for their behaviour. For example, on several occasions Swedish female MPs have publicly exposed instances of gender discrimination in the Riksdag which constitute violations of good parliamentary practice.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In spite of the internationally acclaimed high representation of women in the Swedish Riksdag, there are still instances when female MPs are subjected to unfair and biased treatment.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In order to understand how gender roles emerge and are co-constructed during parliamentary interaction it is useful to compare the ways in which female and male MPs use and misuse addressing strategies in the two parliaments under consideration.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 505) ``(In)directness refers to speakers' direct use of forms of address in the second person or indirect use of forms of address in the third person.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``(Non)reciprocity refers to the use by interacting MPs of identical/equivalent address patterns (reciprocal use) or of non-equivalent/different address pat- terns (non-reciprocal use).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``(In)consistency refers to the extent to which an MP sticks to the same form of address throughout his/her turn (consistent use) or shifts from one form of address to another within one and the same turn (inconsistent use).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 507) ``The usage of gender-specific titles is very different in the Swedish Riksdag as compared to the UK Parliament. In the latter, gender-specific titles like the hon. Gentleman and the hon. Lady represent default address titles alongside with institutional titles. In Sweden, addressing or referring to, say, Lena Andersson as ``fru Lena Andersson'' has become most unusual nowadays, except when ironically meant in adversarial interaction. In the Swedish Riksdag in particular, gender- specific titles like ``herr'' (Mr) and ``fru'' (Mrs) have also become obsolete and rather infrequent, with the exception of the recurrent Speaker-directed forms of address ``herr talman'' (1⁄4 Mr Speaker) and ``fru talman'' (1⁄4 Madam Speaker).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``This is in line with the widespread change in social conventions during the last few decades, whereby the use of gender-specific titles has practically disappeared in Swedish. Nevertheless, the absence of gender-specific titles from the parliamentary range of forms of address in the Swedish Riksdag does not imply that there are no occurrences of gender bias in the ways women MPs are addressed and responded to'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 508) ``Female MPs, unlike their male counterparts, are confronted with a number of social, ideological and psychological obstacles that impact negatively on their possibility to fully and effectively contribute to committee work and to decision-making processes.''     
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The discrepancies in institutional power between genders are particularly visible in the enactment and co-occurrences of behavioural and linguistic patterns of interaction.'' 
  
Suppression techniques used by the Norwegian social psychologist Berit {\AA}s: 
1)    ``Ignoring/making invisible'': ``Making someone invisible means that a person chooses to treat an individual or a group as if the person or group were not there. This technique, which can be enacted both verbally and non-verbally (through body language), deprives individuals of their identity and reminds them that they are inferior, insignificant and have no influence. Evidence shows that in parliament women MPs appear to be most affected by this technique.'' 
2)    ``Ridiculing'': ``is to deliberately describe the efforts and arguments of, or the persons themselves, in a ridiculing fashion. This technique is used when women are made fun of, are laughed down, are called names -- like bitch or whore or feminist -- or compared to animals. It's used when individuals are told that they are too sensitive or puritan.'' 
3)    (p. 509) ``Withholding information'': ``is to exclude someone from the decision making process or marginalize her/his role by deliberately withholding information from her/him so as to make the person less able to make an informed choice.'' 
4)    ``Double binding'': ``also called ``the `can't win' approach'' -- is to put someone in a situation where she/he is belittled and punished regardless of which alternative she/he chooses; it involves being pressured between mutually exclusive choices. For example, a female manager can be accused of weakness when she tries to listen and act democratically -- and of lacking femininity when she shows her claws and forces her will through. And a female politician can be attacked for tunnel vision when she insists on women's interests and for being a traitor when she doesn't. This suppression technique is used when what women do and don't do is equally wrong. The result is that it discourages initiative and results in constant guilty conscience, in addition to the feelings of inadequacy and burn-out.'' 
5)    ``Blaming and shaming'': ``is to embarrass someone, or to insinuate that they are themselves to blame even when they are victims; it thereby forces victims to accept blame. Thus the persons ill-treated feel deeply ashamed and partly responsible for what has happened. This suppression technique discourages assessing the actual or real source of problems and concerns. The result is that this technique encourages those ridiculed to ``accept'' their lowered status by shaming them directly or in front of others.'' 
  
Master suppression techniques in parliamentary dialogue 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 511) When analysing the PMQs interaction between Hague and Harman when he mentions her gender -- ``it soon becomes apparent that Hague's intention is not to enhance the importance of Harman's position and of her personal merit, but rather to single out Harman, his political adversary, as a novice in her new role of Leader of the House. In fact, instead of pointing to her professional achievement, Hague refers to her using a linguistic label based on a gender stereotype: ``the first female Labour Member ever to answer Prime Minister's questions''. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Thereby he intends to marginalize her leadership role by indicating that she plays in a different league -- the league of female MPs -- and not in the ``main'' male parliamentary league. Hague makes here a ``creative'' use of the first master suppression technique (making invisible): while pretending to make visible Harman's new prominent parliamentary role, he actually plays down the significance of her outstanding achievement in reaching this leading position.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Moreover, he uses this opportunity to score one further point by reminding Harman and the audience that the first woman MP ever to hold this position was in fact a Conservative MP, that is, Margaret Thatcher. In this context Hague makes use of the second master suppression technique (ridiculing) when he jokingly speaks about Conservative MPs' and the Prime Minister's admiration for Margaret Thatcher. On making this mock reference, Hague's immediate goal is to elicit laughter and score a point, rather than express genuine admiration for the two female politicians.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Nevertheless Harman is not deterred by Hague's master suppression techniques. After thanking him for his congratulations, she counter-attacks him promptly by calling into question his role and right to ask questions since it is normally the Shadow Leader of the House who should be doing that. At the time the Shadow Leader of the House was Theresa May, whereas Hague was Shadow Foreign Secretary. Harman's rhetorical question ``why is he asking the questions today?'' is meant as a reproach directed to Hague for encroaching on May's parliamentary rights and responsibilities, including the role of asking questions at Question Time.'' 
  
Concluding remarks 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 517) ``Thus, in the British Question Time session under consideration the mixed-gender adversarial confrontation is largely ritualistic and consists in consistently and mutually challenging the power balance between the female and the male interlocutor. In the Swedish Interpellation session, the mixed-gender adversarial confrontation also involves upsetting the gender power balance, even though it may assume more subtle and apparently less spectacular forms.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``A particularly relevant difference between the British and the Swedish manifestations of gendered parliamentary confrontations can be attributed to their differently institutionalized discursive and rhetorical styles.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 518) ``The ways in which specific rules of parliamentary address are being observed or infringed involve sig- nificant distinctions in the behaviour of the respective MPs in each of the two par- liaments. In the British parliamentary tradition, adversarial encounters, whether same-gender or mixed-gender, are integrated into a political rhetoric that praises open confrontation based on irony, sarcasm and wit (normally meant to entertain and elicit the audience's laughter in addition to scoring political points).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``More often than not, women MPs who, like Harriet Harman, reach high positions in the parliamentary hierarchy and succeed in maintaining their standing are actually playing by the same rules as male MPs. She too resorts to master suppression techniques to respond to the ones used by her male adversary.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      The Swedish parliamentary rhetoric has emerged and evolved within a consensus-based political culture of ``serious'' talk and no laughter. There have been, however, recent paradigm shifts in the speaking and interaction styles of Swedish MPs that indicate a change towards a more confrontational style. At the same time, there are cases when female MPs, like Cecilia Wikstr{\"{o}}m, are singled out from a mixed group as the target of male master suppression techniques. In both parliaments gendered addressing strategies are often embedded in female MP-targeted master suppression techniques that result in turning issue-focused discussions into person-focused parliamentary confrontations.''},
	author = {Ilie, Cornelia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/13510347.2013.786547},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ilie - 2013 - Gendering confrontational rhetoric discursive disorder in the British and Swedish parliaments, Democratization.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1351-0347},
	journal = {Democratization},
	keywords = {British parliament,Swedish parliament,discourse,disruptive discourse practices,forms of address,gender,rhetoric},
	month = {may},
	number = {3},
	pages = {501--521},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{Gendering confrontational rhetoric: discursive disorder in the British and Swedish parliaments, Democratization}},
	volume = {20},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.786547}}

@book{Lazarus2018,
	address = {Michigan, U.S.},
	author = {Lazarus, Jeffrey and Steigerwalt, Amy},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
	title = {{Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Parry-Giles1996,
	author = {Parry-Giles, Shawn J and Parry-Giles, Trevor},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/03637759609376398},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Parry-Giles, Parry-Giles - 1996 - Gendered politics and presidential image construction A reassessment of the feminine style.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Communications Monographs},
	number = {4},
	pages = {337--353},
	title = {{Gendered politics and presidential image construction: A reassessment of the "feminine style"}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcmm20},
	volume = {63},
	year = {1996},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcmm20},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03637759609376398}}

@article{Broughton1999,
	abstract = {This paper seeks to extend our understanding of the contribution women parliamentarians make to the Commonwealth parliament. The euthanasia debate, precipitated by the 1996 Andrews Bill, provided a rare opportunity to compare male and female parliamentarians' contributions without the constraint of formal party discipline. This unusual set of circumstances allowed us to focus on whether women make a distinctive contribution to parliamentary debate, without the complicating in¯uence of party. We have been able to show that under certain circumstances, women do bring a different focus to parliamentary debate, and in so doing, may, in suf{\textregistered}cient numbers, alter the status quo. One},
	author = {Broughton, Sharon and Palmieri, Sonia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/10361149950443},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Broughton, Palmieri - 1999 - Gendered Contributions to Parliamentary Debates The Case of Euthanasia(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {1036-1146},
	journal = {Australian Journal of Political Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {29--45},
	title = {{Gendered Contributions to Parliamentary Debates: The Case of Euthanasia}},
	volume = {34},
	year = {1999},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10361149950443}}

@article{Ditonto2014,
	abstract = {It is still unclear exactly how gender influences vote choice. Using an information processing perspective, we argue that instead of directly influencing vote choice, candidate gender guides the amounts and types of information that voters search for during a campaign, and that effects of gender on vote choice ultimately come from differences in information search influenced by candidate gender. Using two unique experimental datasets, we test the effects of candidate gender on vote choice and information search. We find that subjects change their search based on a candidate's gender, seeking out more competence-related information about female candidates than they do for male candidates, as well as more information related to "compassion issues. We also find that evaluations of candidates' traits and issue positions are important predictors of subjects' vote choice. {\textcopyright} 2013 Springer Science+Business Media New York.},
	author = {Ditonto, Tessa M. and Hamilton, Allison J. and Redlawsk, David P.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-013-9232-6},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/Ditonto2014{\_}Article{\_}GenderStereotypesInformationSe.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {01909320},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	keywords = {Decision-making,Gender,Information search,Stereotypes,Vote choice},
	number = {2},
	pages = {335--358},
	title = {{Gender Stereotypes, Information Search, and Voting Behavior in Political Campaigns}},
	volume = {36},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-013-9232-6}}

@article{Eagly2020,
	abstract = {This meta-analysis integrated 16 nationally representative U.S. public opinion polls on gender stereotypes (N = 30,093 adults), extending from 1946 to 2018, a span of seven decades that brought considerable change in gender relations, especially in women's roles. In polls inquiring about communion (e.g., affectionate, emotional), agency (e.g., ambitious, courageous), and competence (e.g., intelligent, creative), respondents indicated whether each trait is more true of women or men, or equally true of both. Women's relative advantage in communion increased over time, but men's relative advantage in agency showed no change. Belief in competence equality increased over time, along with belief in female superiority among those who indicated a sex difference in competence. Contemporary gender stereotypes thus convey substantial female advantage in communion and a smaller male advantage in agency but also gender equality in competence along with some female advantage. Interpretation emphasizes the origins of gender stereotypes in the social roles of women and men.},
	author = {Eagly, Alice H and Nater, Christa and Miller, David I and Kaufmann, Mich{\`{e}}le and Sczesny, Sabine},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/amp0000494},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly et al. - 2020 - Gender stereotypes have changed A cross-temporal meta-analysis of U.S. public opinion polls from 1946 to 2018.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0003066X},
	journal = {American Psychologist},
	keywords = {Agency,Communion,Competence,Gender stereotypes,Public opinion polls},
	number = {3},
	pages = {301--315},
	pmid = {31318237},
	title = {{Gender stereotypes have changed: A cross-temporal meta-analysis of U.S. public opinion polls from 1946 to 2018}},
	volume = {75},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/amp0000494}}

@article{Huddy1993,
	abstract = {We investigate the origins of voters' expectations of greater female competency on "compassion" issues, such as dealing with poverty or the aged, and greater male competency on military and defense issues. We contrast two alternative explanations: gender-trait stereotypes, emphasizing a candidate's gender-linked personality traits; and gender-belief stereotypes, placing greatest importance on the differing political outlooks of male and female candidates. We test contrasting predictions from these two approaches with data from an experiment in which 297 undergraduate participants were randomly assigned to hear about a male or a female candidate with typically masculine or feminine traits. Overall, there was stronger support for the trait approach. Warm and expressive candidates were seen as better at compassion issues; instrumental candidates were rated as more competent to handle the military and economic issues. Moreover, masculine instrumental traits increased the candidate's perceived competence on a broader range of issues than the feminine traits of warmth and expressiveness. Finally, there was some limited support for the belief approach with gender-based expectations about the candidates' political views affecting their rated competency on compassion but not other types of political issues.},
	author = {Huddy, Leonie and Terkildsen, Nayda},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.2307/2111526},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	month = {feb},
	number = {1},
	pages = {119--147},
	title = {{Gender Stereotypes and the Perception of Male and Female Candidates}},
	volume = {37},
	year = {1993},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/2111526}}

@article{Szmer2015,
	abstract = {Objectives. The objectives of this study were to integrate multiple streams of research on judicial dissensus to better understand the causes of state court of last resort justices' decisions to dissent. The study particularly focused on the relationship between dissent and gender and race (and their intersection) at the individual and panel level. Methods. We employed probit regression with clustered standard errors of the population of state court of last resort cases from 1995 to 1998. Results. Women and minorities were more likely to dissent in cases involving issues that are particularly salient to those particular groups. We also find evidence of the intersectionality of race and gender: while white women and African-American males were less likely to dissent than white males, African-American women were the most likely to cast dissenting votes. Conclusions. Our results suggest that, in addition to small-group (panel) and institutional characteristics, individual attributes such as race and gender (and their intersection) matter in the decision to dissent.},
	author = {Szmer, John and Christensen, Robert K and Kaheny, Erin B},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12133},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Szmer, Christensen, Kaheny - 2015 - Gender, Race, and Dissensus on State Supreme Courts.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
	number = {2},
	pages = {553--575},
	title = {{Gender, Race, and Dissensus on State Supreme Courts}},
	volume = {96},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12133}}

@book{Cameron2016,
	address = {Basingstoke},
	annote = {Chapter 1: A Different Voice? 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 1) ``It introduces the notion of women's `different voice' as both a linguistic and a socio-political construct'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 2) ``women, by virtue of their gender, offer a `different kind of politics'; and second, that this difference is inextricably linked to the way women use language in political contexts -- not just what they say, the political content, but how they say it, the style of interaction.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``They suggest that women's distinctive political contribution is a way of doing things -- and saying things -- that eschews aggression and point-scoring in favour of cooperation and consensus, making politics more civilised, more modern, and more human.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) (When talking about what the women say in Childs) ``The women accorded positive value to the style of speech they described, but they also complained that it was viewed as less legitimate and less effective than the traditional `male' style.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) ``Like the political scientists mentioned earlier, Gilligan does not treat women's `different voice' as an exclusively linguistic phenomenon: though she does touch on language, the real subject of her book is gender differences in moral decision-making, and its thesis is that men tend to think of morality in terms of respecting individual rights and freedoms, whereas women tend to be more concerned with fulfilling obligations and meeting others' needs.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Tannen's argument is that boys and girls learn differing norms of interaction in the same-sex peer groups, which are at the centre of children's social lives. Boys, whose peer groups are typically large and hierarchically organised, learn to interact in ways that foreground conflict and competition for status. Girls, whose peer group are smaller and organised in looser, more egalitarian ways, learn to interact in ways that foreground cooperation, mutual support, and the avoidance of smoothing over of conflicts.''    
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) ``If there is one linguistic phenomenon that might plausibly be described as a `universal key problem of{\ldots}male power over women', it must surely be the tendency for women to be excluded, marginalised, or under-represented relative to men in the forums and genres where speech is most authoritative, influential, and culturally prestigious.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Unlike the claim that women have a universal preference for a particular style of speaking, to which there are many counter-examples, the claim that men occupy a disproportionate share of the floor in public settings is supported by research evidence from a wide range of different societies and institutional settings.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 9) (About Mendelberg et al. 2012) ``In fact, they found that women got less than their fair share of the speaking time under almost all conditions. In mixed groups they only contributed as much speech as their numbers entitled them to when they were not merely a majority but a `super-majority', outnumbering men 4:1.'' 
SOURCE: Karpowitz, C., Mendelberg, T. {\&} Shaker, L. (2012), `Gender inequality in deliberative participation', American Political Science Review, 106(3), pp. 533-547. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Men, by contrast, were never disadvantaged by being numerically in the minority. Even lone `token' men in otherwise all-female groups took at least the 20{\%} share of the floor that they were notionally entitled to.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) ``Karpowitz and Mendelberg suggest that the root cause of it is the gender norm which associates authority with maleness.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In the case of political institutions, Fox and Lawless (2011: 59) report that women are significantly less likely to seek office than male peers whose qualifications are objectively no better than theirs. In addition to lacking confidence in their own ability to speak with authority, women may actively avoid speaking out in public because of the risk that engaging in normatively `masculine' behaviour will have averse social consequences.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (About Karpowitz and Mendelberg) ``In support of this argument, they note that in their own study, women spoke far more in all-female groups (`enclaves' where they could conduct discussions largely on their own terms) than in mixed groups, and that women in mixed groups spoke more when they received encouragement and agreement from others, whereas they spoke less when their contributions were met with disagree, criticism or dismissal.'' 
SOURCE: Karpowitz, C. {\&} Mendelberg, T. (2014), The Silent Sex (Princeon: Princeton University Press). 
{\textperiodcentered}       (p. 11) On women entering masculine institutions: ``On balance, the findings of this research suggest that what influences speech style most is not the gender of the speaker so much as the culture of the institution: women entering male-dominated occupations and institutions most often adopt the style of speaking which is already established as the institutional norm.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 12) (On Bonnie McElhinny (1995)) ``Studied linguistic practice in the Pittsbirgh police department (1995), a historically male-dominated institution which had recently recruited a significant number of officers from under-represented groups, including women. She observed that female police officers fairly quickly adopted the prevailing style of speaking, which was characterised among other things by a relative absence of markers of affect such as pitch variation and smiling.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Frequent smiling and the use of a wide pitch range are culturally coded as `feminine' linguistic characteristics, so in a sense what the women were doing was accommodating to a `masculine' norm.'' 
SOURCE: McElhinny, B. (1995), `Challenging hegemonic masculinities: Female and male police officers handling domestic violence', in K. Hall {\&} M. Buchholtz (eds.), Gender articulated: Language and the socially constructed self, (New York, US: Routledge), pp. 217-244. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``To put it another way, gender is not just a characteristic of individual persons, but also a property of institutions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Similarly, the linguist Janet Holmes, who directed a seven-year study of male and female managers' speech in twenty-two different organisations in New Zealand, uses the concept of a `gendered workplace' (Holmes 2006: 10-12). In this study, both male and female managers were found to use a wide range of styles, from the extremely directive to the highly collaborative; what explained their behaviour was not their own gender, but rather the `masculine' or `feminine' ethos of the organisation in which they worked.'' 
SOURCE: Holmes, J. (2006), Gendered Talk in the Workplace (Oxford, UK: Blackwell). 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The point that institutions are gendered, and that their norms, rules, and procedures may both reflect and reproduce gender inequality, has also been made by feminist scholars about democratic political institutions.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``it is frequently argued that the adversarial linguistic norms which prevail in many political settings contribute to the continuing under-representation of women, both descriptive (insofar as they deter women from seeking office) and substantive (insofar as they prevent women who have entered political institutions from participating fully in the discourse of those institutions).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Slvia Shaw (2006) both interviewed women MPs and analysed their speech in a sample of debates, from which she concluded that there was a gap between their perceptions (which were similar to those reported by Childs (2004)) and their actual performance in the debating chamber. Shaw found no evidence that women's style of debate differed significantly from men's. What she did observe was another kind of gender difference: women's participation in debates was constrained in ways that men's was not.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 13) ``One constraint women faced was men's practice of barracking women speakers with a stream of overtly sexist comments. As well as affecting their performance when it happened, anticipation of this kind of response made women less willing to put themselves in the firing line by claiming the floor.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Another factor which limited their participation was their own reluctance to engage in rule-breaking, a common practice in the House of Commons, and one which is regarded by insiders as one of the marks of a skilful and effective speaker.'' 
SOURCE: Shaw, S. (2006), `Governed by the Rules? The Female Voice in Parliamentary Debates', in J. Baxter (ed.), Speaking Out: The Female Voice in Public Contexts (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 81-102. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The potentially negative consequence for women of the belief that they are and should be different are highlighted in Clare Walsh's account of women's experiences in the Anglican priesthood (Walsh 2001), where the expectation that women would speak and act in a different way from men became both a condition for their acceptance as members of the institution and a factor limiting the contribution they were able to make to it. Even more than the MPs discussed above, the women priests Walsh interviewed were themselves committed to the idea of women's difference. One of the arguments they had used during the long and bitter campaign for women's ordination was that women would bring something to the priesthood which men could not.'' 
SOURCE: Walsh, C. (2001), Gender and discourse: Language and power in politics, the church and institutions (London, UK: Longman). 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 16) ``men are given extra credit for showing any interpersonal skills at all,, whereas women's interpersonal skills are considered `natural'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``On the one hand, that perception will tend to prompt doubts about whether a woman who aspired to leadership possesses the necessary authority; on the other, a woman who displays authority will often be judged as both unfeminine and unlikeable, which undermines her perceived ability to connect with people on a personal level.'' 
Chapter 2: Gender and Speech Styles in the 2015 General Election Debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 31) ``In some contexts gender may itself be linked to insider/outsider status. In research on the related genre of Parliamentary debates in the UK House of Commons, Shaw (2000) found that women MPs in two data samples, one from 1998 to 2001 and one from 2009 to 2011, very rarely made illegal challenges such as interrupting a speaker from a sitting position.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In the devolved legislative assemblies of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, Shaw did not observe the gendered pattern of rule-breaking she had found in the House of Commons. In these newer institutions, which aspired to gender-egalitarian ideals from the outset and included women as founder members, women broke the interactional rules as frequently as their male colleagues. Women resisted the moderator, spoke out of turn, and -- particularly in the Scottish Parliament -- engaged in out-of-order `banter' on the debate floor.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 32) analysis of GE2015 debates focuses on the management of the floor and linguistic strategies of participants 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 38) Farage and Sturgeon take the most uninvited turns 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 39{\textperiodcentered}      ``Because gender is closely linked to party status -- the leaders of the main parties are all men, while the women party leaders all represent less significant parties -- it is not possible to identify a pattern of participation related to gender alone.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Bennett only take two UNs, but Sturgeon and Wood take over half of their turns uninvited.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 40) Sturgeon interrupted most frequently of all leaders -- Wood and Bennett interrupted least frequently -- interrupting can also be to ``express agreement or encouragement'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 56) Men and women use adversarial linguistic strategies in the TV debates 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The most significant gender difference noted by Shaw was women's greater attentiveness to the rules governing debates, and their avoidance of strategies which were defined as violations of the rules, such as interjecting comments from a sitting position.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      A kind of disorderly behaviour in the debates is continuing to speak despite the moderator's instructions to cede the floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 60) Sturgeon is at times noted to look on in disagreement when men engage in this kind of rule breaking behaviour 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 64) Bennett does on occasion try to shout her way onto the floor 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 70) ``While political debates are, as we observed above, inherently adversarial speech events, cooperative and supportive behaviour may also serve important purposes, particularly in the context of a multiparty debate.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Commentators were well aware that Sturgeon, Wood, and Bennett were political allies, united by their opposition to the austerity policies which all the main parties (and UKIP) supported. Nevertheless, the support the three women gave one another was most frequently interpreted in gendered terms. Much was made, for instance, of their symbolic `group hug' at the end of the BBC debate, but this was typically presented not as a gesture of solidarity among political allies but as an act of female bonding.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 73) Bennett used one of her rare uninvited speaking turns to state ``Nicola Sturgeon is absolutely right'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 74) ``Overall, the analysis we have presented in this chapter does not support the belief that women do political leadership, or political communication, `in a different voice'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The picture we have drawn of women's participation in the national TV debates which were the centrepiece of the GE2015 campaign is more complicated than that. It is a picture in which individual differences, and differences in role and status reflecting the position of a leader's political party, loom larger than gender differences as an influence on linguistic behaviour. It is also a picture in which male-female similarities appear more numerous than male-female differences.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``All the leaders used adversarial discourse strategies, as might be expected in the context of a speech event billed as a `debate'.'' -- with the exception of Bennett 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Nevertheless, our analysis demonstrates that both male and female leaders made use of interruptions, direct questions whose function is to challenge the addressee rather than merely to seek information, accusations, and reformulations of an opponent's point which are designed to show it, and the opponent, in a negative light.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Conversely, all the leaders used at least some cooperative, supportive, and `relational' or rapport-building strategies.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``They all addressed the viewing audience directly as `you' in opening and closing statements, and looked directly in the camera.'' 
  
Chapter 4: Conclusions 
(Note: chapter 3 was about gendered media coverage, so not directly relevant) 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 116) ``Popular versions of the `different voice' ideology depict women as cooperative and supportive language users' in commentary on the debates, it was often noted that the three female party leaders behaved supportively towards each other.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``their behaviour towards each other was more supportive than their behaviour towards the male leaders'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``None of them directly challenged or argued with a female co-participant; all of them voiced agreement with another woman's contributions on at least one occasion.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 119) On women in Scotland: the parliament is surrounded by women and have had five women lead their parties since 1999 -- ``in this context it becomes difficult to make the argument which is sometimes made about women at Westminster -- that they feel compelled to adopt a hyper-combative style to hold their own with powerful men or to demonstrate their `insider' status.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In itself, of course, the existence of combative female political speakers like Sturgeon and Dugdale, or of men like Corbyn who prefer a less adversarial approach, does not refute the claim that women as a group incline more to collaborative or consensus-based styles of discourse.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 120) ``the fact that women choose to behave combatively in settings like the Scottish Parliament, where they are not isolated and powerless `interlopers' in an arena overwhelmingly dominated by men, must surely challenge one of the core beliefs associated with the `different voice' ideology -- that women's presence in sufficient numbers, or in influential positions, will automatically change the language of politics.''},
	author = {Cameron, Deborah and Shaw, Sylvia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {978-1-137-58752-7},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{Gender, Power and Political Speech}},
	year = {2016}}

@book{Krook2011,
	abstract = {Political institutions profoundly shape political life and are also gendered. This groundbreaking collection synthesises new institutionalism and gendered analysis using a new approach - feminist institutionalism - in order to answer crucial questions about power inequalities, mechanisms of continuity, and the gendered limits of change.},
	address = {Basingstoke, UK},
	annote = {Chapter 1: Introduction Gender, Politics, and Institutions (pp. 1-20) 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) Feminist political science scholarship has moved from a focus on `women and politics' to `gender and politics: ``They highlight, in particular, the multiple ways in which gendered power relations and inequality are constructed, shaped, and maintained through institutional processes, practices, and rules.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) ``Finally, a wide range of studies in FPS have assessed the powerful role of norms `that prescribe and proscribe ``acceptable'' masculine and feminine forms of behaviour, rules, and values for men and women within institutions' (Chappell 2006: 226).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) ``This includes work on the `gender regimes' and `gender contracts' that underpin various kinds of welfare state arrangements.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The key point of agreement across these approaches, however, is that conceiving of political (and social) institutions as `gendered' is crucial to understanding the practices, ideas, goals and outcomes of politics. Grasping the ways in which institutions reflect, reinforce, and structure unequal gendered power relations in wider society, in turn, offers insights into the dynamics of continuity and change -- and the means for interrupting them to promote or undermine feminist goals.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``To say that an institution is gendered means that constructions of masculinity and femininty are intertwined in the daily culture or `logic' of political institutions, rather than `existing out in society or fixed within individuals which they then bring whole to the institution' (Kenny 1996: 456).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``While constructions of masculinity and femininity are both present in political institutions, the masculine ideal underpins institutional structures, practices, discourses, and norms, shaping `ways of valuing things, ways of behaving, and ways of being' (Duerst-Lahti and Kelly 1995: 20).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) ``For, as Beckwith (2005: 133) notes, if institutions are gendered, the potential exists for them to be `re-gendered', including in ways that might promote gender equality''},
	author = {Krook, Mona Lena and Mackay, Fiona},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{Gender, Politics and Institutions: Towards a Feminist Institutionalism}},
	year = {2011}}

@article{Dassonneville2018,
	abstract = {Successive studies have found a persistentgendergap in political knowledge. Despitemuch international research, thisgaphasremainedlargelyimpervious to explanation. Apromisinglineofrecentinquiryhasbeen thelowlevels ofwomen's elected representation in many democracies. We test the hypothesis that higher levels ofwomen's elected representation will increase women's political knowledge. Using two large, comparative data sets, we find that the proportion ofwomen elected representatives at the time of the survey has no significant effect on the gender gap. By contrast, there is a strong and significant long-termimpactfordescriptive representation when respondents were aged 18 to 21. The results are in linewith political socialization, which posits that the impact ofpolitical context is greatest during adolescence and early adulthood. These findings have important implications not only for explaining the gender knowledge gap, but also for the impact of descriptive representation on political engagement generally},
	author = {Dassonneville, Ruth and McAllister, Ian},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12353},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dassonneville, McAllister - 2018 - Gender, Political Knowledge, and Descriptive Representation The Impact of Long-Term Socialization.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {249--265},
	title = {{Gender, Political Knowledge, and Descriptive Representation: The Impact of Long-Term Socialization}},
	volume = {62},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12353}}

@article{Karakowsky2004,
	abstract = {This study examined sources of influence on power displays in mixed-gender work groups. The participants for this study included 216 university students who were randomly assigned to 36 mixed-gender groups for the purpose of case discussions. Measures of individual verbal interruption behavior were used as indicators of power displays among group members. The findings support the assertion that the proportional representation of men and women in a group will influence patterns of interruption behavior, with both men and women exhibiting higher levels of interruption behavior in male-dominated groups. In addition, the results indicate that perceived member competence based on congruence or incongruence with the gender orientation of the group's task has a greater impact on power displays among women compared to men. The use of such power displays was also shown to be negatively correlated with leadership rankings in the group for both men and women. Numerous studies of gender dynamics in work teams have considered the relative distribution of power and influence among men and women, and the behavioral consequences of such distributions (e.g.},
	annote = {Summary: participants for the study included 216 university students who were randomly assigned to 36 mixed-gender groups 

Methods: used measures of individual verbal interruption behaviour as indicators of power displays among group members. 

Findings: support the assertion that the proportional representation of men and women in a group will influence patterns of interruption behaviour; with both men and women exhibiting higher levels of interruption behaviour in male-dominated groups.},
	author = {Karakowsky, Leonard and McBey, Kenneth and Miller, Diane L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1046496404263728},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karakowsky, McBey, Miller - 2004 - Gender, Perceived Competence, and Power Displays Examining Verbal Interruptions in a Group Context.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Small Group Research},
	number = {4},
	pages = {407--439},
	title = {{Gender, Perceived Competence, and Power Displays: Examining Verbal Interruptions in a Group Context}},
	volume = {35},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1046496404263728}}

@article{Taylor2018,
	author = {Taylor, Eleanor Attar and Scott, Jacqueline},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Taylor, Scott - 2018 - Gender New consensus or continuing battleground.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {British Social Attitudes 35},
	pages = {56--85},
	title = {{Gender: New consensus or continuing battleground?}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Carli1990,
	abstract = {Mixed- and same-sex dyads were observed to examine effects of gender composition on language and of language on gender differences in influence. Ss discussed a topic on which they disagreed. Women were more tentative than men, but only in mixed sex dyads. Women who spoke tentatively were more influential with men and less influential with women. Language had no effect on how influential men were. In a 2nd study, 120 Ss listened to an audiotape of identical persuasive messages presented either by a man or a woman, half of whom spoke tentatively. Female speakers who spoke tentatively were more influential with male Ss and less influential with female Ss than those who spoke assertively. Male speakers were equally influential in each condition.},
	author = {Carli, Linda L.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1037/0022-3514.59.5.941},
	journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
	number = {5},
	pages = {941--951},
	title = {{Gender, language, and influence}},
	volume = {59},
	year = {1990},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.59.5.941}}

@article{Karpowitz2012,
	abstract = {Can men and women have equal levels of voice and authority in deliberation or does deliberation exacerbate gender inequality? Does increasing women's descriptive representation in deliberation increase their voice and authority? We answer these questions and move beyond the debate by hypothesizing that the group's gender composition interacts with its decision rule to exacerbate or erase the inequalities. We test this hypothesis and various alternatives, using experimental data with many groups and links between individuals' attitudes and speech. We find a substantial gender gap in voice and authority, but as hypothesized, it disappears under unanimous rule and few women, or under majority rule and many women. Deliberative design can avoid inequality by fitting institutional procedure to the social context of the situation.},
	annote = {Overall: can men and women have equal levels of voice in deliberation or does deliberation exacerbate gender inequality. How does increasing the number of women affect women's voice and authority? 

Methods: tests the hypothesis that group decision rule will interact with gender composition bu using experimental data 

Findings: substantial gender gap in voice and authority is discovered, however under unanimous rule with a small number of women, or under majority rule with many women, this gap disappears 

Suggestions of the article: deliberative design can avoid inequality by fitting institutional procedure to the social context of the situation

- (p. 533) Investigates whether critics are right that women speak less than men during deliberation and thus have less perceived influence},
	author = {Karpowitz, Christopher F and Mendelberg, Tali and Shaker, Lee},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000329},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karpowitz, Mendelberg, Shaker - 2012 - Gender Inequality in Deliberative Participation.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {3},
	pages = {533--547},
	title = {{Gender Inequality in Deliberative Participation}},
	volume = {106},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055412000329}}

@book{Dietrich2017,
	abstract = {Significant attention has been devoted to understanding gender dynamics across a variety of contexts, including in boardrooms and in academia. We examine one place where unstructured conversation among elite male and female political actors takes place-the U.S. Supreme Court. We do so by investigating both verbal and non-verbal cues. Non-verbal cues, such as changing the tone of one's voice, not only structure interactions by signaling substantive content such as dominance, but also largely occur below conscious awareness. Looking at 33 years of Supreme Court oral arguments, we find, consistent with other studies on gender dynamics, that male Justices are more likely to talk over and to interrupt female Justices and female lawyers. Specifically, male Supreme Court Justices increase their vocal pitch when questioning, or being questioned by, female Justices and lawyers, a signal consistent with an unwillingness to yield the floor. We further present evidence that these emotionally unbalanced interactions have downstream consequences. Specifically, when female Justices and lawyers are talked over in this fashion, they then become more reticent to participate. * Comments and suggestions welcome. We are grateful to Lee Epstein and Joseph Smith, and conference participants at MPSA for helpful feedback. Authors' names listed in alphabetical order.},
	annote = {The methods in the rhetoric of parliamentary speech paper are more interesting I think. Not sure that vocal pitch necessarily means what they imply it means

Annoying that they don't look at participation decline afterwards, that would be more interesting},
	author = {Dietrich, Bryce J. and Enos, Ryan D. and Sen, Maya},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich, Enos, Sen - 2017 - Gender Dynamics in Elite Political Contexts Evidence from Supreme Court Oral Arguments.pdf:pdf},
	publisher = {Working Paper},
	title = {{Gender Dynamics in Elite Political Contexts: Evidence from Supreme Court Oral Arguments}},
	year = {2017}}

@incollection{Hall2000,
	address = {Cambridge},
	author = {Hall, Judith A. and Carter, Jason D. and Horgan, Terrence G.},
	booktitle = {Gender and Emotion: Social Psychological Perspectives},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511628191.006},
	editor = {Fischer, Agneta},
	file = {::},
	pages = {97--117},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	title = {{Gender differences in nonverbal communication of emotion}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511628191.006},
	year = {2000},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511628191.006}}

@article{Thomsen2019,
	abstract = {A growing body of research shows that women legislators outperform their male counterparts in the legislative arena, but scholars have yet to examine whether this pattern emerges in non-policy aspects of representation. We conducted an audit study of 6,000 U.S. state legislators to analyze whether women outperform or underperform men on constituency service in light of the extra effort they spend on policy. We find that women are more likely to respond to constituent requests than men, even after accounting for their heightened level of policy activity. Female legislators are the most responsive in conservative districts, where women may see the barriers to their election as especially high. We then demonstrate that our findings are not a function of staff responsiveness, legislator ideology, or responsiveness to female constituents or gender issues. The results provide additional evidence that women perform better than their male counterparts across a range of representational activities. A re women legislators more effective than their male counterparts? Do they change the political environment or represent their constituents differently than men? A long line of research has demonstrated that women devote more attention to and are more active on women's issues (i.e., Dodson 2006; Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez 2007; Holman 2015; Osborn and Mendez 2010; Swers 2002). Yet more recently, scholars have found that women improve the quality of representation for male and female citizens alike. Studies at both the state and federal level show that female legislators are more active and productive than their male counterparts on a variety of policy-related activities. Women sponsor more legislation, speak on the floor at greater rates on a range of policy issues, and are more successful at moving bills through the legislative process than men (Anzia and Berry 2011; Cain and Kousser 2004; Pearson and Dancey 2011; Volden and Wiseman 2011; Volden, Wiseman, and Wittmer 2013). Constituents benefit directly too, as women bring more money to their districts than male legislators (Anzia and Berry 2011). While a growing body of research suggests that women legislators outperform their male counterparts in the policy arena, scholars have yet to examine whether the A list of permanent links to Supplemental Materials provided by the authors precedes the References section.},
	author = {Thomsen, Danielle M. and Sanders, Bailey K.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.7910/DVN/8WLEMA},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thomsen et al. - 2019 - Gender Differences in Legislator Responsiveness.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
	number = {Forthcoming},
	title = {{Gender Differences in Legislator Responsiveness}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592719003414Downloadedfromhttps://www.cambridge.org/core.UCL},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592719003414Downloadedfromhttps://www.cambridge.org/core.UCL},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/8WLEMA}}

@article{Newman2008,
	abstract = {Differences in the ways that men and women use language have long been of interest in the study of discourse. Despite extensive theorizing, actual empirical investigations have yet to converge on a coherent picture of gender differences in language. A significant reason is the lack of agreement over the best way to analyze language. In this research, gender differences in language use were examined using standardized categories to analyze a database of over 14,000 text files from 70 separate studies. Women used more words related to psychological and social processes. Men referred more to object properties and impersonal topics. Although these effects were largely},
	author = {Newman, Matthew L. and Groom, Carla J. and Handelman, Lori D. and Pennebaker, James W.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/01638530802073712},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Newman et al. - 2008 - Gender Differences in Language Use An Analysis of 14,000 Text Samples.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Discourse Processes},
	pages = {211--236},
	title = {{Gender Differences in Language Use: An Analysis of 14,000 Text Samples}},
	volume = {45},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01638530802073712}}

@article{Kittilson2008,
	abstract = {In the United States, research suggests thatmen and women candidates are covered differently by the press. However, few studies compare press coverage of candidates cross-nationally. Systematic comparison of newspaper coverage of male and female candidates during election campaigns in Australia, Canada, and the United States may help illuminate the conditions that exacerbate or dampen gender differences in candidate portrayals. Given the sharp focus on candidates in American campaigns and the relatively lower percentage of women in the Congress, we expect to find the greatest disparities in men's and women's press coverage in the United States. Our findings suggest that across these three democracies, candidates are often portrayed in terms of long-standing gender stereotypes. These gender differences have important implications for voters' perceptions of candidates and may shape widely shared attitudes toward women's role in the political arena.},
	author = {Kittilson, Miki Caul and Fridkin, Kim},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X08000330},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kittilson, Fridkin - 2008 - Gender, Candidate Portrayals and Election Campaigns A Comparative Perspective.pdf:pdf;::},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {3},
	pages = {371--392},
	publisher = {UCL, Institute of Education},
	title = {{Gender, Candidate Portrayals and Election Campaigns: A Comparative Perspective}},
	volume = {4},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X08000330}}

@article{Ash2021,
	author = {Ash, Elliott and Chen, Daniel L. and Ornaghi, Arianna},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/210202{\_}Ash-Chen-Ornaghi.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	keywords = {a,ac,arianna ornaghi,ash,ashe,ch,chen,christoph goessmann,corre-,daniel,daniel chen,david cai,eth zurich,ethz,fr,gender attitudes,iast,judiciary,nlp,ornaghi,ornelie man-,sponding author,stereotypes,toulouse school of economics,uk,university of warwick,warwick,we thank jacopo bregolin},
	title = {{Gender Attitudes in the Judiciary: Evidence from U.S. Circuit Courts}},
	year = {2021}}

@article{Alexander1993,
	abstract = {The candidate evaluation literature has emphasized the contribution of both candidate characteristics and voter characteristics (e.g., party identification) to candidate appraisals. But the literature on attribution and sex role stereotypes suggests that women candidates may be evaluated differently than their male counterparts. This paper presents the results of a survey of 98 voters in which we explored the relationships among gender role attitudes, voters' attribution of leadership traits, and support for male and female candidates. The surveys were conducted in Syracuse, New York, during the 1990 campaigns, which included three male-female races. Our results substantiate the hypothesis that when candidate information is sparse, gender role attitudes are consequential in the initial evaluation of lesser known women candidates. Gender attitudes are important factors in candidate favorability when the candidates are women challengers. Secondly, we found that voters had a tendency to attribute particular leadership qualities and issue skills based on sex to hypothetical candidates, if no other information was available. In addition, we found that the more egalitarian the voters' gender role attitudes, the more likely they were to evaluate favorably actual women candidates. Finally, it was the case that all incumbents, male and female, were rated more positively on both "masculine" and "feminine" traits than were challengers. Predicting election results in the United States is a hazardous job. But there is one prediction that any election-eve analyst could offer with supreme confidence ... that the newly elected official would be male. (Hershey 1980: 179). Even during the much-touted {\&}dquo;Year of the Woman{\&}dquo; such a prediction would be a fairly safe one at higher levels of government: the 1992 elections, certainly a success for women, produced a House of Representatives which is only 11 percent female. This is despite the fact that many recent studies have found that voters are generally indifferent to a candidate's sex in making their vote decision (e.g., Carroll 1985; Darcy et al. 1987). The apparent lack of gender bias in the voting booth (at least as measured by aggregate voting statistics) should not lead us to assume that there},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 528) ``The fact that gender role stereotypes characterize and influence many decision-making domains suggests that voters might use stereotypes to attribute different skills and capabilities to men and women candidates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 530) Boles and Durio (1980, 1981), measuring perceptions about male and female politicians, found distinct differences in gender and political labels. Generally, the "elected woman" label was evaluated more positively than the "elected man" on traditionally female traits and women were perceived as equal or superior to male politicians in terms of the masculine characteristics of efficiency, stability, and vitality (Boles and Durio 1981: 4-12).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Polls confirm that women candidates tend to be seen as more compassionate and honest while men are seen to be better suited emotionally for politics.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Fifteen years later, voters in a national survey thought that women running for office were more compassionate, more caring, more honest and would do a better job handling social issues and holding down government spending, while male candidates were perceived to be more effective at dealing with military and trade issue'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 532) Uses survey data from 98 respondents and looked at candidates and voters in New York 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 534) ``Six candidates were rated on seven traits: honesty, ability to handle a crisis, emotional stability, compassion, decisiveness, ability to compromise, and competence. Three of the traits - honesty, compassion, and ability to compromise - measured traditionally "feminine" capabilities. Three other traits - the ability to handle a crisis, decisiveness, and emotional stability- are traditionally associated with men and leadership. The last trait- competence - was assumed for this research to be gender neutral.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Analysis was used to assess respondents' perceptions of male and female candidates
{\textperiodcentered}      ``By large margins, women are believed to be more compassionate, moral, hardworking, and liberal. Women, more so than their m counterparts, are also thought to have struggled to get ahead, be able to ha family responsibilities while serving in office, speak out honestly, and stand up for what they believe.''},
	author = {Alexander, Deborah and Andersen, Kristi},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Alexander, Andersen - 1993 - Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership Traits.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	number = {3},
	pages = {527--545},
	title = {{Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership Traits}},
	volume = {46},
	year = {1993}}

@article{OBrien2012,
	abstract = {While significant attention has been dedicated to explaining women's election to office, fewer studies have assessed female politicians' access to positions of power within legislatures. This latter topic became particularly salient in the British House of Commons following the 2010 general election, when recently adopted reforms introduced intracameral elections for select committee members and chairs. This article outlines three hypotheses concerning the influence of candidate sex on election outcomes: a gender bias against female candidates, a gender advantage favoring female candidates, and gender-neutral outcomes. Drawing on two original data sets, the results not only fail to support the gender-bias hypothesis but also demonstrate that women were advantaged in the interparty elections for committee chairs. These findings offer new insights into both the position of female legislators in the UK Parliament and gender and the allocation of power within national assemblies more generally.},
	author = {O'Brien, Diana Z},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X12000153},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Brien - 2012 - Gender and Select Committee Elections in the British House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {1},
	pages = {178--204},
	title = {{Gender and Select Committee Elections in the British House of Commons}},
	volume = {8},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X12000153}}

@article{Copeland1995,
	author = {Copeland, Catherine and Driskell, James and Salas, Eduardo},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {::},
	journal = {Journal of Social Behaviour and Personality},
	pages = {163},
	title = {{Gender and Reactions to Dominance}},
	year = {1995}}

@article{Mattei1998,
	abstract = {In a modern democracy, all citizens theoretically are guaranteed an equal opportunity at political representation. This paper shows that democratic theory does not always hold in practice in the United States. Discourse analysis is applied to the language used in the 1990 hearings conducted by the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary on the nomination of Judge David H. Souter to be Associate Justice of the Supreme Court Results show that while women are noticeably present as witnesses in hearings, they are not treated on an equal footing with men. Women's access to the political debate is limited, because they are given proportionally less time to speak than male witnesses. Further, empirical measures indicate that the effectiveness of women's testimony is undermined by senators' responses. Although women utilize what is defined as masculine language to compete within a male-dominated institution, gendered expectations can prevent them from being treated as authoritative witnesses.},
	annote = {Summary
- (p. 440) Uses discourse analysis to the language used in the 1990 hearings conducted by the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary 
- Findings: women are noticably present as witnesses in hearings, they are not treated on an equal footing with men
- Women's access to the political debate is limited, because they are given proportionally less time to speak than male witnesses 
- Empirical measures indicate that the effectiveness of women's testimony is undermined by senators' responses 
- Women can utilise 'masculine language' to compete within a male-dominated institution, nonetheless gendered expectations can prevent them from being treated as authoritative witnesses

Measures used
- (p. 448) In order to measure authority, question type is examined (e.g. asking difficult, empirical, analytical Qs).},
	author = {Mattei, Laura R. Winsky},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.2307/2647917},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mattei - 1998 - Gender and Power in American Legislative Discourse(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0022-3816},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {440--461},
	title = {{Gender and Power in American Legislative Discourse}},
	volume = {60},
	year = {1998},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2307/2647917}}

@article{Barnes2012,
	abstract = {W omen are underrepresented in most of the world's legislatures. While the scarcity of female representation is problematic for multiple reasons, one of the central concerns of advocates and scholars rests on the assumption that women have different legislative preferences than their male counterparts. If this is the case, then it implies that where women do not occupy an equitable proportion of the legislature, their interests are not well represented. On the other hand, there is reason to believe that the lack of female legislators may not be problematic for women's representation. Many scholars assume that all legislators have an electoral incentive to represent constituents' interests. This implies that, even if female legislators have different preferences, they will not behave differently than their male collogues. Given the divergent expectations of these two assumptions, scholars have developed a keen interest in understanding whether gender shapes legislative preferences and the extent to which it can be observed through legislative behavior.},
	author = {Barnes, Tiffany D},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X12000505},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barnes - 2012 - Gender and Legislative Preferences Evidence from the Argentine Provinces.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {4},
	pages = {483--507},
	title = {{Gender and Legislative Preferences: Evidence from the Argentine Provinces}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X12000505},
	volume = {8},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X12000505}}

@article{Dixon1997,
	abstract = {In a reanalysis of women's language, Holmes (1995) has argued that women's use of hedges expresses interpersonal warmth and not, as many researchers have maintained, linguistic tentativeness. It is typically men, she suggests, who employ hedges to convey imprecision and incertitude. In this study, we investigated the use of the hedges sort of and you know in a sample of South African students. Holmes's method of analysis was applied to hedging behavior in 52 dyadic conversations. The study consisted of a 2 (Speaker Gender: Male/Female) X 2 (Audience Gender: Male/Female) X 2 (Condition: Competitive/Noncompetitive) between-subjects experimental design. The results showed that contextual influences eclipsed the effects of gender; in fact, no main effects were found for speaker gender. Fewer hedges were deployed in the competitive condition than in the noncompetitive condition. Moreover, perhaps reflecting differences in social status, both sexes used sort of to express tentativeness more frequently when talking to male addressees. When speaking to female addressees, on the other hand, men deployed fa-cilitative you know hedges more readily than women. Language scholars have claimed that gender differences in communication mirror and reproduce broader political inequalities between the sexes (Fish-man},
	author = {Dixon, John A. and Foster, Don H.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dixon, Foster - 1997 - Gender and Hedging From Sex Differences to Situated Practice.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Psycholinguistic Research},
	number = {1},
	pages = {89--107},
	publisher = {Thorne},
	title = {{Gender and Hedging: From Sex Differences to Situated Practice}},
	volume = {26},
	year = {1997}}

@book{Walsh2001,
	address = {Abingdon-on-Thames},
	author = {Walsh, Clare},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {0582418925},
	pages = {236},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{Gender and Discourse: Language and Power in Politics, the Church and Organisations}},
	year = {2001}}

@book{Bystrom2004,
	address = {New York},
	author = {Bystrom, Dianne G. and Robertson, Terry and Banwart, Mary Christine and Kaid, Lynda Lee},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	title = {{Gender and Candidate Communication: Videostyle, Webstyle, Newstyle}},
	year = {2004}}

@article{Eagly1986a,
	abstract = {In our meta-analytic review of sex differences in aggressive behavior reported in the social psychological literature we found that although men were somewhat more aggressive than women on the average, sex differences were inconsistent across studies. The magnitude of the sex differences was significantly related to various attributes of the studies. In particular, the tendency for men to aggress more than women was more pronounced for aggression that produces pain or physical injury than for aggression that produces psychological or social harm. In addition, sex differences in aggressive behavior were larger to the extent that women, more than men, perceived that enacting a behavior would produce harm to the target, guilt and anxiety in oneself, as well as danger to oneself. Our interpretation oftbese results emphasizes that aggression sex differences are a function of perceived consequences of aggression that are learned as aspects of gender roles and other social roles.},
	author = {Eagly, Alice and Steffen, Valerie},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eagly, Steffen - 1986 - Gender and Aggressive Behavior A Meta-Analytic Review of the Social Psychological Literature.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
	number = {3},
	pages = {309--330},
	title = {{Gender and Aggressive Behavior: A Meta-Analytic Review of the Social Psychological Literature}},
	url = {https://www.saylor.org/site/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/psych406-7.2.pdf},
	volume = {100},
	year = {1986},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.saylor.org/site/wp-content/uploads/2011/07/psych406-7.2.pdf}}

@article{Rosenblatt2007,
	abstract = {'The biggest worry I have is becoming establishment and being sucked into Westminster.' Lynne Featherstone MP 'We are less institutionalised. But that may well change. In 10 years' time we could easily be the stuffy people who say, "you must understand how Parliament works". But at the moment, we are ripe for revolution.' Ed Vaizey MP 'MPs do develop certain habits, such as poor punctuality and failure to engage in eye contact. These are the habits of busy people who are under stress.' Michael Gove MP THE 2005 General Election saw 119 people elected to Parliament for the first time. 2 For such individuals, an exhausting campaign trail had come to a successful and exhilarating end. The real work, however, was now to begin. The Hansard Society spent the following 12 months monitoring a group of newly elected MPs to see how they changed their views and behaviour once they ceased to be 'one of us' and became 'one of them'. We interviewed more than 20 participants at the beginning, middle and end of this period, and these interviews were supplemented by surveys sent to all members of the intake. 3 This paper considers the extent to which this intake of MPs established themselves in the Westminster village during their first year in the job-from their initial impressions of the imposing grandeur of the Palace, to their acclimatisation into the House and its peculiar traditions and ways of working. The new Members gradually developed their networks and became more accomplished operators within the House of Commons. They had arrived at Parliament not only with a firm focus on the constituency, but also with a desire to learn how to be effective in the House of Commons. They did not want to pigeonhole themselves into being either a 'constituency MP' or a 'parliamentarian'. The new generation The 2005 intake did not as a whole deviate from the traditional tendency of the Commons to be predominantly male and middle class.},
	author = {Rosenblatt, Gemma},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsm031},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosenblatt - 2007 - From One of Us to One of Them The Socialisation of New MPs.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {3},
	pages = {510--517},
	title = {{From One of Us to One of Them: The Socialisation of New MPs}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/60/3/510/2258573},
	volume = {60},
	year = {2007},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/60/3/510/2258573},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsm031}}

@article{Dahlerup1988,
	abstract = {`It takes a critical mass of women, e.g. 30 percent, to make a difference in polities' This statement is common today, even among women politicians themselves. However, the theory of the importance of the relative size of the minority has not been sufficiently developed in political science. Based on the experience of women in Scandinavian politics (today being a minority of about 30 percent), the article discusses six areas for which an increase in the proportion of the minority might lead to changes in for instance the political culture, the political discourse or the reaction to women as politicians. The article suggests that the concept of a critical mass is replaced by one of critical acts, which would seem to be more relevant when studying human beings.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 277) Data for the article: ``The empirical data used in this article on women in politics in the five Nordic countries comes from several sources: Lengthy interviews with 28 Nordic women politicians at the national and local level in a structured, non-representative sample (Dahlerup 1985): results from a questionnaire sent to all national political parties in the five Nordic countries (Dahlerup: The POP Survey 1984) and results from a questionnaire sent to all women's organizations and equality committees within the same political parties at national level. provided such organizations existed in the party (Dahlerup: The WOC Survey 1984); information about what strategies women in the five countries have used to improve women's political representation (Dahlerup 1988): data on women's political representation in Haavio-Mannila et al. (1985). The surveys of local councillors made by Hellevik {\&} Skard (1985) and Wallin et al. (1YKl) have provided useful information.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 279) When women are underrepresented in an organisation they are: `highly visible'; `become toke, e.g. symbols of the entire sex (group), symbols of what women can do, stand-ins for all women'; `role conflicts, e.g. too feminine or too masculine' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women politicians must prove that they are just like (just as able as) male politicians, who in general have longer seniority and whose gender occupied the political arena long before women were allowed to participate.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women politicians must prove that it makes a difference when more women are elected. This second demand comes from the women's organizations and the feminist movement, who critically ask why it does not make more difference that there are now more women in politics?'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 283) When more women are in politics there would be `changes in the social climate of political life (the political culture)' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 284) `changes in the political discourse' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 289) what would change if more women in politics: `the tone will be softer in politics'; `meetings will be less formal and less ceremonious'; `shorter speeches, less formal language, more to the point' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The political culture is a complex issue which political science until now has not paid sufficient attention to. Regarded as a workplace. political life has its social conventions, its tone. its formal and informal rules, and norms of cooperation and conflict. This 'way of doing politics' varies from country to country, commune to commune, and it changes over time. Often politicians themselves are unaware of these variations.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The individual woman in an organization dominated by men is often faced with a dilemma. Either she lives up to the norms of how women behave, and keep her female style, with the consequence that often she is not really accepted as a colleague. Or she may to some extent adapt to the style of the men, and consequently the public will call her a 'man-woman'!'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 290) ``We know now that the entrance of just one woman into an all male group (and vice versa) changes the discussion and behaviour of that group. We all behave differently in front of a woman or a man.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The higher the proportion of women in politics. the more social conventions will change, although again it is not possible 10 identify a special turning point, a critical mass. But numbers do count, even if the politicians themselves and the public are not aware of it.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 295) ``The empowerment of women implies a growth in influence and power not just of individual women, but of women in general. Individual women may make it to the top, but here the focus is on changing the disadvantaged position of women in politics in general.''},
	author = {Dahlerup, Drude},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9477.1988.tb00372.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dahlerup - 1988 - From a Small to a Large Minority Women in Scandinavian Politics(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-9477},
	issn = {14679477},
	journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
	number = {4},
	pages = {275--298},
	pmid = {25950187},
	title = {{From a Small to a Large Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics}},
	volume = {11},
	year = {1988},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1988.tb00372.x}}

@article{Michalopoulos2021,
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	author = {Michalopoulos, Stelios and {Meng Xue}, Melanie},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	eprint = {arXiv:1011.1669v3},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/ms30574.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9788578110796},
	issn = {1098-6596},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	pmid = {25246403},
	title = {{Folklore}},
	year = {2021}}

@incollection{Palmieri2018,
	address = {London},
	author = {Palmieri, Sonia},
	booktitle = {Gender Innovation in Political Science: New Norms, New Knowledge},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	editor = {Sawer, Marian and Baker, Kerryn},
	pages = {173--194},
	publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
	title = {{Feminist Institutionalism and Gender-Sensitive Parliaments: Relating Theory and Practice}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Johnson2005,
	abstract = {Dow and Tonn's feminine rhetorical style is used to evaluate the argument structures used in presidential debate discourse. Results suggest that the feminine style element of references to personal experience is prevalent in debate discourse but that inductive structure and use of anecdotes and examples are less prevalent than one might expect. Further, feminine style elements, including references to personal experience and use of inductive structure, have decreased over time since the 1960 debate. Differences were also found in use of specific feminine style elements by political party, incumbency status and election outcome. ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR Copyright of Communication Quarterly is the property of Eastern Communication Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts)},
	annote = {Note: may want to look back over as this piece uses quantitative content analysis 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) ``Results suggest that the feminine style element of references to personal experience is prevalent in debate discourse but that inductive structure and use of anecdotes and examples are less prevalent than one might expect.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) ``Discourse using feminine style is characterized as relying heavily on personal examples and experiences, using inductive reasoning, and identifying with the audience and its experiences (Campbell, 1989).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) Uses quantitative content analysis 
{\textperiodcentered}      Sample: ``Transcripts of presidential debates from 1960 and from 1976 to 2000 were used in this investigation. Transcripts for debates were obtained from the Commission on Presidential Debates (1960, 1976, 1980, 1988 /2000) and the Public Broadcasting System (1984) websites. A total of 18 debates, involving six Democratic (Kennedy, Carter, Mondale, Dukakis, Clinton, and Gore), six Republican (Nixon, Ford, Reagan, G. H. W. Bush, Dole, and G. W. Bush) and two Independent (Anderson and Perot) candidates, were thus included.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Coding procedures: ``Before coding of specific feminine style elements could begin, the debate transcripts were divided into coding units. Coding at the micro level of the sentence or phrase, while appropriate in other types of research (e.g., Hinck {\&} Hinck, 2002; Roloff {\&} Ifert, 1998), is inappropriate for the present investigation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Paragraphs are also a potentially problematic unit for analysis, as the person developing the transcript, rather than the candidate himself, is delineating between paragraphs.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) ``references to personal experience'' -- e.g. ``I remember something my dad told me*/I was 18 years old going to Penn Station to go on into the Navy, and he said write your mother*/which I faithfully did; he said serve your country*/my father was an honor, duty and country man; and he said tell the truth. And I've tried to do that in public life, all through it. That says something about character.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``use of anecdotes and examples was defined as speaker reference to others' personal experiences through the use of examples and narratives'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``inductive structure was defined as instances where the speaker provides examples or other evidence first and draws a conclusion after the evidence is presented''},
	author = {Johnson, Danette Ifert},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/01463370500055814},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johnson - 2005 - Feminine Style in Presidential Debate Discourse, 1960-2000(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {01463373},
	issn = {0146-3373},
	journal = {Communication Quarterly},
	keywords = {ANECDOTES,Campaign Discourse,DEBATES {\&} debating,Feminine Rhetorical Style,IDEOLOGY,ORATORY,POLITICAL parties,POLITICS,PRESIDENTS -- Election,Political Communication,Practical,Presidential Debates,RHETORICAL criticism,WOMEN -- Identity},
	number = {1},
	pages = {3--20},
	pmid = {20032291},
	title = {{Feminine Style in Presidential Debate Discourse, 1960-2000}},
	volume = {53},
	year = {2005},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01463370500055814}}

@article{Dow1993,
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 287) Feminine style: ``women developed particular capacities for concrete and contingent reasoning, for reliance on personal experience, and for participatory interaction.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 288) ``While private, female communication is characterized as concrete, participatory, cooperative, and oriented toward relationship maintenance, public, male communication is characterized as abstract, hierarchical, dominating, and oriented toward problem-solving.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Female politicians must operate in the ultimate public deliberative context, where feminine communicative strategies would seem least valued and adaptation to typically male communicative patterns would seem most useful.''},
	author = {Dow, Bonnie J and Tonn, Mari Boor},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/00335639309384036},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dow, Tonn - 1993 - Feminine style and political judgment in the rhetoric of Ann Richards.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0033-5630},
	journal = {Quarterly Journal of Speech},
	number = {3},
	pages = {286--302},
	title = {{'Feminine style' and political judgment in the rhetoric of Ann Richards}},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rqjs20},
	volume = {79},
	year = {1993},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rqjs20},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/00335639309384036}}

@article{MaeKelly1991,
	abstract = {In this article we examine the extent to which women in public office exhibit a different voice from that of male officeholders. We explore rationales that justify a different voice as well as how this difference manifests itself in politics. Then we present a model of the different types of voices female public officials have exercised. The research indicates that as the number of women in public office grows, increasing differences will be seen not so much between women and men officeholders as among women officeholders themselves. Finally, we expect to see women in public office advocating a wider variety of policy goals, and as women in public office increase in number, we expect to see a redefinition emerge of the political.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 78) ``At a minimum, a different voice means being different from -- but not inferior to superior to -- men in a consistent, predictable way.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``More contemporary rationales cite biological, psychological, or sociological research to demonstrate why women would have a different voice.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Power and assertiveness, traditionally seen as vital components of political interaction, have long been associated more closely with males than females.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women view power as a means to promote change, whereas men view power as a means of having influence over other people.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 79) ``A woman, from this perspective, approaches decision making by considering others. For the mature male, on the other hand, morality consists of the protection of individual rights. These differences in socialisation are said to produce two distinct voices -- the male voice and the female voice.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women also tend to choose educational paths and professional careers that differ from those that men choose.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 80) ``By electing more women to public office, feminists assumed that women would represent other women, speak for women's interests, and change the content and direction of public policy.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 81) ``In a recent study, Becker found that many female state legislators exhibited fewer traditionally feminine characteristics and more androgynous and masculine characteristics than do women in general.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 82) ``Strong evidence has been presented that `women public officials represent women not only by `standing for' them but also by `acting for'' them.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``women legislators, in contrast to the men, were more concerned with their responsibilities to the community and spent a good portion of time involved with civic goals.''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Nonetheless, it is evident that women often do speak in a different voice from that of men and in various different voice among themselves.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women public officials present a wide spectrum of interests and behaviours. One perspective is broadly humanistic; the other is a more specific women's perspective.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Within each of these perspectives women can adopt either a consensual or a conflictual approach. That is, relative to the established political system a perspective can be either one in harmony with it or one in conflict with it.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 85) The traditional politician: ``using the consensual approach within the humanistic perspective, women public officials participate as individuals, representing themselves and whatever interests their constituents share. They work with men on everything.''  - ``no particular gender differences are articulated by these female political actors. Males represent females and females represent males.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      The traditional liberal feminist: ``The consensual approach combined with the women's-interest perspective produces the female political actor who specifically represents women's views while also accepting the norms and practices of the established political systems.'' -- ``Female public officials operating within this perspective would typically focus on recruiting more women to the system, emphasising their rights to participate and their rights to garner resources for women's traditional concerns.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 86) The caring humanist: ``Gender gap issues -- where gender differences in opinions on war, peace, nuclear weapons, use of force or violence, and income distribution, among others, are found -- are documented and relatively long-standing.'' -- ``Although women's interests are part of the caring worldview, the caring humanist is less concerned with equality issues per se and more concerned with social justice and ecological balance.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      The change-orientated feminist: ``Female public officials in the conflictual quadrants are more likely to assert that sexism is systematic throughout society and that basic changes in the political, economic, and social system must be made if women are to become more than nominally equal. Over time, it appears that more women have moved to the women's-interest conflict quadrant. These female public officials openly represent women and women's interests, oppose male dominance and male bias, accept conflict with men and traditional women as part of political life, and argue for changing the meaning of quality.''},
	author = {{Mae Kelly}, Rita and Saint-Germain, Michelle and Horn, Jody D.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mae Kelly, Saint-Germain, Horn - 1991 - Female Public Officials A Different Voice.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
	number = {1},
	pages = {77--87},
	title = {{Female Public Officials: A Different Voice?}},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0002716291515001007},
	volume = {515},
	year = {1991},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0002716291515001007}}

@article{Grose2015,
	abstract = {Legislators claim that how they explain their votes matters as much as or more than the roll calls themselves. However, few studies have systematically examined legislators' explanations and citizen attitudes in response to these explanations. We theorize that legislators strategically tailor explanations to constituents in order to compensate for policy choices that are incongruent with constituent preferences, and to reinforce policy choices that are congruent. We conduct a within-subjects field experiment using U.S. senators as subjects to test this hypothesis. We then conduct a between-subjects survey experiment of ordinary people to see how they react to the explanatory strategies used by senators in the field experiment. We find that most senators tailor their explanations to their audiences, and that these tailored explanations are effective at currying support-especially among people who disagree with the legislators' roll-call positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]},
	annote = {In general this article might be useful for the third hypothesis. As it shows that MPs will change their behaviour in expecting of citizen preferences. This could help to justify the hypothesis},
	author = {Grose, Christian R. and Malhotra, Neil and {Parks Van Houweling}, Robert},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12164},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grose, Malhotra, Parks Van Houweling - 2015 - Explaining Explanations How Legislators Explain their Policy Positions and How Citizens Re.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {15405907},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {724--743},
	title = {{Explaining Explanations: How Legislators Explain their Policy Positions and How Citizens React}},
	volume = {59},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12164}}

@article{Black2011,
	abstract = {Students of linguistics and psychology demonstrate that word choices people make convey information about their emotions and thereby their intentions. Focusing on theory from these related fields we test whether the emotional content of Supreme Court justices' questions and comments made during oral arguments allow us to predict the decisions they make. Using aggregate data from all arguments between 1979 and 2008 and individual-level data from 2004 through 2008 we find justices' use of more unpleasant language towards the attorney representing one side of a case reduces the probability that side will prevail on the merits, both in terms of individual justices' votes and the overall case outcome.},
	author = {Black, Ryan C. and Treul, Sarah A. and Johnson, Timothy R. and Goldman, Jerry},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/s002238161100003x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Black et al. - 2011 - Emotions, Oral Arguments, and Supreme Court Decision Making.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {201910:55:00},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {572--581},
	title = {{Emotions, Oral Arguments, and Supreme Court Decision Making}},
	volume = {73},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/s002238161100003x}}

@article{Bauer2015,
	abstract = {Women are underrepresented at all levels of elected office. It is suspected that gender stereotypes hinder the electoral success of female candidates, but empirical evidence is inconclusive on whether stereotypes have a direct effect on voting decisions. This empirical conflict stems, in part, from the assumption that voters automatically rely on gender stereotypes when evaluating female candidates. This study explicitly tests the assumption of automatic stereotype activation. I suggest that stereotype reliance depends on whether stereo- types have been activated during a campaign, and it is only when stereotypes are activated that they influence evaluations of female candidates. These hypotheses are tested with a survey experiment and observational analysis. The results show that campaign communication activates stereotypes when they otherwise might not be activated, thereby diminishing support for female candidates.},
	author = {Bauer, Nichole M.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/pops.12186},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauer - 2015 - Emotional, Sensitive, and Unfit for Office Gender Stereotype Activation and Support Female Candidates.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14679221},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	keywords = {And representation,Female candidates,Gender,Stereotypes},
	number = {6},
	pages = {691--708},
	title = {{Emotional, Sensitive, and Unfit for Office? Gender Stereotype Activation and Support Female Candidates}},
	volume = {36},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12186}}

@article{Dietrich2019,
	abstract = {Do judges telegraph their preferences during oral arguments? Using the U.S. Supreme Court as our example, we demonstrate that Justices implicitly reveal their leanings during oral arguments, even before arguments and deliberations have concluded. Specifically, we extract the emotional content of over r,,,, hours of audio recordings spanning gg years of oral arguments before the Court. We then use the level of emotional arousal, as measured by vocal pitch, in each of the Justices' voices during these arguments to accurately predict many of their eventual votes on these cases. Our approach yields predictions that are statistically and practically significant and robust to including a range of controls; in turn, this suggests that subconscious vocal inflections carry information that legal, political, and textual information do not.},
	author = {Dietrich, Bryce J. and Enos, Ryan D. and Sen, Maya},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2018.47},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich, Enos, Sen - 2019 - Emotional Arousal Predicts Voting on the U.S. Supreme Court(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	pages = {237--243},
	title = {{Emotional Arousal Predicts Voting on the U.S. Supreme Court}},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.47}}

@article{Gennaro2021,
	author = {Gennaro, Gloria and Ash, Elliott},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/Gennaro-Ash-Emotions-Current.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	keywords = {congress,emotions,political rhetoric,s,u,word embeddings},
	title = {{Emotion and Reason in Political Language}},
	year = {2021}}

@article{Zamani2016,
	abstract = {Word embeddings, which are low-dimensional vector representations of vocabulary terms that capture the semantic similarity between them, have recently been shown to achieve impressive performance in many natural language processing tasks. The use of word embeddings in information retrieval, however, has only begun to be studied. In this paper, we explore the use of word embeddings to enhance the accuracy of query language models in the ad-hoc retrieval task. To this end, we propose to use word embed-dings to incorporate and weight terms that do not occur in the query, but are semantically related to the query terms. We describe two embedding-based query expansion models with different assumptions. Since pseudo-relevance feedback methods that use the top retrieved documents to update the original query model are well-known to be effective, we also develop an embedding-based relevance model, an extension of the effective and robust relevance model approach. In these models, we transform the similarity values obtained by the widely-used cosine similarity with a sigmoid function to have more discriminative semantic similarity values. We evaluate our proposed methods using three TREC newswire and web collections. The experimental results demonstrate that the embedding-based methods significantly outperform competitive baselines in most cases. The embedding-based methods are also shown to be more robust than the base-lines.},
	author = {Zamani, Hamed and Croft, W. Bruce},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1145/2970398.2970405},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zamani, Croft - 2016 - Embedding-based Query Language Models(3).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {9781450344975},
	journal = {Proceedings of the 2016 ACM international conference on the theory of informational retrieval},
	keywords = {all or part of,back,language models,or,or hard copies of,permission to make digital,pseudo-relevance feed-,query expansion,this work for personal,word embedding},
	pages = {147--156},
	title = {{Embedding-based Query Language Models}},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1145/2970398.2970405}}

@article{Pearson2011,
	abstract = {The authors analyze gender differences in members' speech participation on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives. Speeches increase members' visibility and voice in the legislative process, providing opportunities for members to highlight their policy knowledge, constituents' concerns, and partisan commitments. The authors hypothesize that women's underrepresentation, coupled with the related challenges that female legislators face in a predominantly male institution, motivates congresswomen of both parties to speak at greater rates than congressmen. Analyzing over ten thousand floor speeches during the 103rd and 109th Congresses, the authors find strong support for their hypothesis, demonstrating that congresswomen's participation in legislative debate increases their visibility and enhances women's substantive representation.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Analyse gendered differences in members' speech participation on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives 
{\textperiodcentered}      Speeches increase members' visibility and voice in the legislative process, providing opportunities for members to highlight their policy knowledge, constituents' concerns and partisan commitments 
{\textperiodcentered}      Hypothesis: women's underrepresentation, coupled with the related challenges that female legislators face in a predominantly male institution, motivates congresswomen of both parties to speak at greater rates than congressmen 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: analyse over ten thousand floor speeches during the 103rd and 109th congresses 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: strong support for the hypothesis found, demonstrating that congresswomen's participation in legislative debates increase their visibility and enhances women's substantive representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      Gender stereotypes that call into question women's leadership abilities only increase congresswomen's incentives to distinguish themselves in the political arena (p. 910) -- therefore speaking in the House is a good way of accomplishing this, therefore congresswomen should speak on the floor more than congressmen 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The notion that women in politics perceive that they must work harder than men is supported by research on congressional elections and candidate emergence. Drawing on a national survey of women and men in professions that serve as a pipeline to elected office, Lawless and Fox (2005) find that women are significantly less likely than men with similar professional and personal characteristics to think that they are qualified to run for office. These findings are consistent with research showing that women are more concerned than men with their legitimacy as candidates, likelihood of victory, and ability to raise money (Dodson 1998; Fowler and McClure 1989; Fulton et al. 2006; Sanbonmatsu 2002b; Jenkins 2007).'' (p. 911) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: Congresswomen are consistently more likely to deliver floor speeches than congressmen. This holds whilst looking at the 103rd and 109th Congresses and two types of speech: one-minute speeches at the start of the legislative day and speeches that occur during the most important legislative debates (e.g. in the 103rd Congress women gave an average of nine more one-minute speeches than congressmen) 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``We argue that these gender differences in participation are rooted in women's persistent underrepresentation. In a male-dominated institution, and in a political arena where gender stereotypes call into question women's leadership, congresswomen of both parties have extra incentives to increase their visibility and prove their expertise to their colleagues and constituents alike, leading them to give more speeches on the House floor.'' (p. 920) -- helps to highlight women's visibility and their substantive representation 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women's speech participation has substantive benefits for women as well. Congresswomen ``act for'' women in their speeches, discussing women during speeches in a range of policy areas, including those not typically considered women's issues. Speeches are thus vehicles for congresswomen to express the ``uncrystallized interests'' of women (Mansbridge 1999) across a range of issues.'' (p. 921) 
{\textperiodcentered}      Important: this article recommends that future work should look at legislator style, e.g. whether women/men are more adversarial},
	author = {Pearson, Kathryn and Dancey, Logan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912910388190},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pearson, Dancey - 2011 - Elevating Women's Voices in Congress Speech Participation in the House of Representatives.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	keywords = {legislative studies,politics,speech,women},
	number = {4},
	pages = {910--923},
	title = {{Elevating Women's Voices in Congress: Speech Participation in the House of Representatives}},
	volume = {64},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912910388190}}

@article{Mikolov2013,
	abstract = {We propose two novel model architectures for computing continuous vector representations of words from very large data sets. The quality of these representations is measured in a word similarity task, and the results are compared to the previously best performing techniques based on different types of neural networks. We observe large improvements in accuracy at much lower computational cost, i.e. it takes less than a day to learn high quality word vectors from a 1.6 billion words data set. Furthermore, we show that these vectors provide state-of-the-art performance on our test set for measuring syntactic and semantic word similarities.},
	archiveprefix = {arXiv},
	arxivid = {1301.3781v3},
	author = {Mikolov, Tomas and Chen, Kai and Corrado, Greg and Dean, Jeffrey},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-17 14:41:10 +0100},
	eprint = {1301.3781v3},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mikolov et al. - 2013 - Efficient Estimation of Word Representations in Vector Space.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	pages = {1--12},
	title = {{Efficient Estimation of Word Representations in Vector Space}},
	year = {2013}}

@article{Jansen2011,
	abstract = {By applying readability statistics to the Humphrey-Hawkins testimonies given by the Federal Reserve Chairman, it is tested whether the clarity of central bank communication affects volatility in financial markets. There are three results. First, when clarity matters, it has a diminishing effect on volatility. Second, clarity of communication matters mostly for volatility of medium-term interest rates. Third, the effects of clarity vary over time. Clarity mattered especially, but not exclusively during Alan Greenspan's Chairmanship. Overall, the analysis illustrates the importance of transparent communication on monetary policy. {\textcopyright} 2010 Western Economic Association International.},
	author = {Jansen, David Jan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1465-7287.2010.00238.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jansen - 2011 - Does the clarity of central bank communication affect volatility in financial markets Evidence from Humphrey-Hawkins tes.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10743529},
	journal = {Contemporary Economic Policy},
	number = {4},
	pages = {494--509},
	title = {{Does the clarity of central bank communication affect volatility in financial markets? Evidence from Humphrey-Hawkins testimonies}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.2010.00238.x}}

@article{Grey2002,
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 19) ``However, the existing literature fails to provide specifics on how changing the proportions of men and women will alter power relations within the political arena.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 20) ``The other common features in critical mass literature are that women will impact upon the political agenda, political culture and public policy once they reach critical mass in the political arena.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Article uses analysis of discussions on child care and parental leave in the New Zealand House of Representatives 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 23) ``Critical mass literature also implies that aggressive `masculine' behaviour will shape processes and debating styles while men dominate legislatures numerically.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``There was evidence of gendered differences in behaviour during parliamentary debate of child care and parental leave from 1975 to 1999.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``On the whole, New Zealand's women MPs made fewer personal attacks during debates than their male colleagues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Woman MPs' share of personal remarks was greater than their involvement in debates on the `women's issues' in only four of the years: the number of personal attacks ranged from none to 26 per year, the most active use came in the years following 1988.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Another area of aggression analysed was the use of interruptions. Interrupting another person can reflect the speaker's position of dominance.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The number of interruptions during the debates examined ranged from none a year to a high of 97 in 1988. Male MPs share was higher than their share of the debates in 12 years, women in only six.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Males were responsible for all of them in 1975, 1976, 1979, 1984 and 1986; women were responsible for all of them only in 1996. The highest number of interruptions by men was 83 during the debates of 1988; for women it was 35 in 1995.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 24) ``The concept of critical mass suggests that adequate representation of women, coupled with their tendency to be less aggressive than male colleagues, should result in a more civil Parliament. This visible rise in aggression during New Zealand parliamentary debates runs contrary to this expectation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Parliament became more aggressive from 1975 to 1999, and women adopted more `masculine' behaviour. The level of aggression was measured by the number of lines of debate on child care and parental leave taken up by personal attacks, interjections and points of order, compared with the total number of lines of discussion.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Between 1975 and 1984 this varied between 1.92{\%} and 4.6{\%}. From 1986 to 1999 it was as low as 0.49{\%} and as high as 13.42{\%}. The highest rates were 8.7{\%} in 1986, 7.6{\%} in 1988, 7.14{\%} in 1993, and 13.42{\%} in 1999.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Another cultural change implicit is an expected drop in negative gender-labelling. It is asserted that the more women there are in a legislature, the more accepted they will be. This will be detectable through a drop in open hostility.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Scrutiny of the debates also showed women MPs were more susceptible to general harassing remarks (ones which did not directly state the members gender) than men.''},
	author = {Grey, Sandra},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grey - 2002 - Does Size Matter Critical Mass and New Zealand's Women MPs.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	pages = {19--29},
	title = {{Does Size Matter? Critical Mass and New Zealand's Women MPs}},
	volume = {55},
	year = {2002}}

@article{Foos2019,
	abstract = {There is a persistent gender gap in motivations to run for political office. While exposure to role models is widely believed to increase women's political ambition, there is little field experimental evidence on whether exposure to female politicians in realistic settings can increase political ambition. We conducted a field experiment in which a sample of 612 female students was randomly assigned to receive emails inviting them to an event that included career workshops with female politicians, or no email. The treatment increased interest in the ongoing national election campaign, but, against expectations, did not have any positive effect on political ambition. Our results suggest that female politicians who discuss their experience bluntly, instead of following a motivational script, may fail to motivate other women to pursue a political career. These results highlight the need for more research into the type of events and messages that bring more women into politics.},
	author = {Foos, Florian and Gilardi, Fabrizio},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.7910/DVN/BSIFTF},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Foos, Gilardi - 2019 - Does Exposure to Gender Role Models Increase Women's Political Ambition A Field Experiment with Politicians.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
	number = {Forthcoming},
	title = {{Does Exposure to Gender Role Models Increase Women's Political Ambition? A Field Experiment with Politicians}},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/BSIFTF}}

@article{Mendelberg2013,
	abstract = {Does low descriptive representation inhibit substantive representation for women in deliberating groups? We address this question and go beyond to ask if the effects of descriptive representation also depend on decision rule. We conducted an experiment on distributive decisions, randomizing the group's gender composition and decision rule, including many groups, and linking individuals' predeliberation attitudes to their speech and to postdeliberation decisions. Women's descriptive representation does produce substantive representation, but primarily under majority rule-when women are many, they are more likely to voice women's distinctive concerns about children, family, the poor, and the needy, and less likely to voice men's distinctive concerns. Men's references shift similarly with women's numerical status. These effects are associated with group decisions that are more generous to the poor. Unanimous rule protects women in the numerical minority, mitigating some of the negative effects of low descriptive representation. Descriptive representation matters, but in interaction with the decision rule.},
	author = {Mendelberg, Tali and Karpowitz, Christopher F and Goedert, Nicholas},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12077},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mendelberg, Karpowitz, Goedert - 2013 - Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice How Gender Composition and.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {291--306},
	title = {{Does Descriptive Representation Facilitate Women's Distinctive Voice? How Gender Composition and Decision Rules Affect Deliberation}},
	volume = {58},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12077}}

@article{Kahn1992,
	abstract = {This study examines the possibility that the news media, by covering male and female candidates differently, may influence the success of female candidates. A content analysis of newspaper coverage of U.S. Senate campaigns shows that male and female Senate candidates are covered differently in the news. An experiment was conducted to explore the consequences of these differences in coverage, as well as the significance of the candidates' gender, for evaluations of Senate candidates. The experimental results suggest that gender differences in coverage tend to advantage male candidates. For instance, candidates who are covered like male candidates in the news are considered more viable than candidates who are covered like female candidates. Sex stereotypes, on the other hand, can advantage female candidates. Female candidates are viewed as more compassionate and more honest than identical male candidates. The findings from this study support the hypothesis that the mass media may influence a woman's chances of success at the polls. Male and female candidates are covered differently in the news and these differences often produce negative assessments of women candidates. A although the media play a central role in political campaigns, little is known about the media's impact on voters' political attitudes. Recent work in the noncampaign context shows that the media structure how people think about politics (Iyengar and Kinder 1987; MacKuen 1981; Erbring, Goldenberg, and Miller 1980). However, the electoral consequences of this "media structuring" have received little attention. This study investigates whether news coverage of campaigns advantages certain candidates at the expense of others; in particular, whether the press differentiates between coverage of men and women candidates and whether these differences influence voters' perceptions of the candidates. This study explores the possibility that the media, by treating men and women candidates differently, influence their access to political office.},
	author = {Kahn, Kim Fridkin},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kahn - 1992 - Does Being Male Help An Investigation of the Effects of Candidate Gender and Campaign Coverage on Evaluations of U.S. Sena.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {497--517},
	title = {{Does Being Male Help? An Investigation of the Effects of Candidate Gender and Campaign Coverage on Evaluations of U.S. Senate Candidates}},
	volume = {54},
	year = {1992}}

@article{Bochel2000,
	abstract = {Using qualitative interviews the authors analyse how women politicians at local and national level are impacting upon politics and the policy-making process and how this is affecting the nature of the political environment.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Method: uses qualitative interviews to analyse how women politicians at the local and national level are impacting upon politics and the policy-making process and how this if affecting the nature of the political environment 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: carries out in-depth interviews with 39 female politicians from across England, Scotland and Wales -- 15 local government councillors were interviewed by telephone and 24 members of parliament were interviewed 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 65) ``The great majority of the women politicians interviewed, regardless of party, talked about differences in styles and approach and said that women tended to bring a different perspective. As one female politician stated, `My overwhelming feeling about women is not that they hold very different political views, but they tend to have a very different perspective on all political views' (third-term Scottish Labour councillor).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 66) ``In terms of whether women do have different motivations and expectations from political office, there is literature that suggests that women are concerned `with the public welfare rather than personal enrichment' (Diamong, 1977 cited in Hill 1981, p. 161) and that they may seek different outcomes from political life (Constantini, 1990).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Female Labour MP on personal experience: ``A lot of women, certainly my colleagues in the new intake of women, say that politics, for them, started from the personal. What they saw around them{\ldots}. happening, perhaps with hosing or schools or hospitals{\ldots} they got angry and they wanted to do something about it and they related it to party politics and the political process.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``There is, for example, the belief held by some of the interviewees (nine of our sample made reference to this) that many, though by no means all, male politicians are filled with a sense of their own importance and that, partly, at least, they are attracted to the role by the status and kudos, not to mention the large salary that goes with it.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Do politics differently: ``with regards to female politicians operating differently, in terms of this research, women on all sides of the political fence expressed the view that women in politics do operate differently to men (Sapiro 1998).'' ``The general belief was that women are more willing to listen to the other side, that they are less adversarial, better team players and more amenable to the idea of seeking solutions to supposedly gridlocked situations: `I enjoy being a team player and think women do that better' (first-term Conservative MP, south-east England).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In contrast, the view was expressed that `men tend to look at the global perspective and they might relate it to what's happening on the ground. So, they do top down, we do bottom up'.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Women tend to be more community orientated -- women come into politics through community activism rather than through the traditional route of the party 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 67) ``This does not mean that women are necessarily less adversarial or confrontational: `I mean I give as good as I get, but I think women do try to seek consensus and are much more focused {\ldots} they say look, this is where we want to get to, this is what we want to achieve, let's work together to translate that policy to what we want to achieve' (third-term Labour councillor, London).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Over half of the women in our research talked about networking, about discussing and sharing ideas, abut consultation and about listening to others. Thus women's experiences and lifestyles may bring different perspectives and qualities to the political arena.''},
	author = {Bochel, Catherine and Briggs, Jacqui},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bochel, Briggs - 2000 - Do Women Make A Difference(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {63--68},
	title = {{Do Women Make A Difference?}},
	volume = {20},
	year = {2000}}

@incollection{Tolleson-Rinehart2001,
	address = {Indiana},
	author = {Tolleson-Rinehart, Sue},
	booktitle = {The Impact of Women in Public Office},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	editor = {Carroll, Susan J},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tolleson-Rinehart - 2001 - Do Women Leaders Make a Difference Substance, Style, and Perceptions.pdf:pdf},
	pages = {149--165},
	publisher = {Indiana University Press},
	title = {{Do Women Leaders Make a Difference? Substance, Style, and Perceptions}},
	year = {2001}}

@article{DeGeus2020,
	author = {de Geus, Roosmarijn A. and McAndrews, John R. and Loewen, Peter John and Martin, Aaron},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-15 16:14:04 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912920906193},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/de Geus et al. - 2020 - Do Voters Judge the Performance of Female and Male Politicians Differently Experimental Evidence from the Uni(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	number = {2},
	pages = {302--316},
	title = {{Do Voters Judge the Performance of Female and Male Politicians Differently? Experimental Evidence from the United States and Australia}},
	volume = {74},
	year = {2021},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920906193}}

@article{Wyatt2018a,
	abstract = {Are the traits preferred by voters also associated with success in political office? Drawing on the ascription-actuality trait theory of leadership the present study examines whether traits ascribed to politicians predict leadership outcomes differently to the actual traits they possess. We collected self-ratings of politicians' personality (N = 138) using the NEO-PI-R (actual traits) and observer ratings of politicians' facial appearance (ascribed traits) to examine their relationship with (a) leadership emergence, measured using share of vote in election, and (b) in-role leadership effectiveness, rated anonymously by political and local authority colleagues. Facial appearance predicted leadership emergence but not effectiveness. Personality had a more nuanced relationship with leadership outcomes. Conscientiousness predicted effectiveness but not emergence, and Agreeableness revealed a trait paradox, positively predicting emergence and negatively predicting effectiveness. These findings suggest a need to understand the contested nature of political leadership and qualities required for different aspects of political roles.},
	author = {Wyatt, Madeleine and Silvester, Jo},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.leaqua.2018.02.001},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wyatt, Silvester - 2018 - Do voters get it right A test of the ascription-actuality trait theory of leadership with political elites(2).pdf:pdf},
	issn = {10489843},
	journal = {Leadership Quarterly},
	keywords = {Faces,Leadership,Personality,Politics,Trait},
	pages = {609--621},
	title = {{Do voters get it right? A test of the ascription-actuality trait theory of leadership with political elites}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.leaqua.2018.02.001}}

@article{SarahLiu2017,
	author = {{Sarah Liu}, Shan-Jan and {Ann Banaszak}, Lee},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X16000490},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sarah Liu, Ann Banaszak - 2017 - Do Government Positions Held by Women Matter A Cross-National Examination of Female Ministers' Impacts.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	pages = {132--162},
	title = {{Do Government Positions Held by Women Matter? A Cross-National Examination of Female Ministers' Impacts on Women's Political Participation}},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X16000490}}

@article{Bettinger2005,
	author = {Bettinger, Eric P. and Long, Bridget Terry},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bettinger, Long - 2005 - Do Faculty Serve as Role Models The Impact of Instructor Gender on Female Students.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The American Economic Review},
	number = {2},
	pages = {152--157},
	publisher = {American Economic Association},
	title = {{Do Faculty Serve as Role Models? The Impact of Instructor Gender on Female Students}},
	volume = {95},
	year = {2005}}

@article{Arnesen2019,
	abstract = {We elicit citizens' preferences over hypothetical candidates by applying conjoint survey experiments within a probability-based online panel of the Norwegian electorate. Our experimental treatments differ in whether citizens receive information about candidates' social characteristics only, candidates' issue positions only, or both. From this, we identify whether citizens are able to infer substantive policy positions from the descriptive characteristics of potential representatives and use that information to make candidate choices that achieve substantive representation. We find that candidate choice is driven more by knowledge about candidates' issue positions than by knowledge about their social characteristics and that citizens value substantive representation more robustly than descriptive representation. Importantly, while the direct experimental test of whether voters use the information they obtain from descriptive markers to choose a candidate that gives them substantive representation is inconclusive, we find that voters form beliefs about candidates' issue positions based solely on candidates' social characteristics.},
	author = {Arnesen, Sveinung and Duell, Dominik and Johannesson, Mikael Poul},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2018.10.005},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/1-s2.0-S0261379418302257-main.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	pages = {46--60},
	publisher = {Elsevier},
	title = {{Do citizens make inferences from political candidate characteristics when aiming for substantive representation?}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2018.10.005},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2018.10.005}}

@article{Koch2000,
	abstract = {This research examines whether citizens utilize gender stereotypes to infer candidates' ideological orientations. Analysis of data from the 1988-1990-1992 Pooled Senate Election Study reveals that even after candidates' individuating ideological orientations are taken into account, candidate gender still exerts substantial effects on citizens' perceptions of candidates' ideological orientations. The consequences of gender stereotypes for vote choice are important but differ for Democrats and Republicans. For Democratic female candidates, gender ideological stereotypes increase the distance between female candidates and voters, increasing the likelihood citizens will vote for the Republican opponent, ceteris paribus. For Republican female candidates, gender stereotypes for ideology reduce the distance between them and most voters, thereby increasing their electoral prospects. A large body of research establishes that many citizens are unaware of some of the most basic facts of American politics; they frequently acknowledge they do not know the names of the candidates in congressional elections and the occupants of major political offices, let alone their issue positions or the details of their policy proposals. In light of these findings, recent research efforts center on how citizens formulate their political preferences given the limited resources they devote to politics.' Primarily utilizing experimental research designs, a number of research efforts examine the application of gender stereotypes in citizens' perceptions of political candidates (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993a, 1993b; Kahn 1994; Leeper 1991; Matland 1994; Sapiro 1982). This research indicates that citizens view male and female candidates as each possessing a distinctive set of issue positions , competencies, ideological orientations, and character traits. Like other cues that citizens may employ to simplify political choice (partisanship or incum-bency, for example), candidate gender is a readily apparent piece of information. By knowing this one bit of information, respondents can and in experimental studies they clearly do make inferences about a candidate's issue positions, policy competencies, ideological leanings, and character traits. Citizens' prospects for achieving effective representation of their political preferences are dimin},
	author = {Koch, Jeffrey W.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Koch - 2000 - Do Citizens Apply Gender Stereotypes to Infer Candidates' Ideological Orientations.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {414--429},
	publisher = {Blackwell Publishers},
	title = {{Do Citizens Apply Gender Stereotypes to Infer Candidates' Ideological Orientations?}},
	volume = {62},
	year = {2000}}

@article{Hobolt2020,
	abstract = {A well-functioning democracy requires a degree of mutual respect and a willingness to talk across political divides. Yet numerous studies have shown that many electorates are polarized along partisan lines, with animosity towards the partisan out-group. This article further develops the idea of affective polarization, not by partisanship, but instead by identification with opinion-based groups. Examining social identities formed during Britain's 2016 referendum on European Union membership, the study uses surveys and experiments to measure the intensity of partisan and Brexit-related affective polarization. The results show that Brexit identities are prevalent, felt to be personally important and cut across traditional party lines. These identities generate affective polarization as intense as that of partisanship in terms of stereotyping, prejudice and various evaluative biases, convincingly demonstrating that affective polarization can emerge from identities beyond partisanship.},
	author = {Hobolt, Sara B. and Leeper, Thomas J. and Tilley, James},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0007123420000125},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/My Mac (MacBook-Pro)/Downloads/divided-by-the-vote-affective-polarization-in-the-wake-of-the-brexit-referendum.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {14692112},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	keywords = {Brexit,affective polarization,bias,group identity,partisanship,referendum},
	title = {{Divided by the Vote: Affective Polarization in the Wake of the Brexit Referendum}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123420000125}}

@techreport{Kincaid1975,
	author = {Kincaid, J. Peter and {Fishburne Jr}, Robert P. and Rogers, Richard L. and Chissom, Brad S.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kincaid et al. - 1975 - Derivation Of New Readability Formulas (Automated Readability Index, Fog Count And Flesch Reading Ease Formula).pdf:pdf},
	institution = {Institute for Simulation and Training},
	title = {{Derivation Of New Readability Formulas (Automated Readability Index, Fog Count And Flesch Reading Ease Formula) For Navy Enlisted Personnel}},
	year = {1975}}

@article{Spirling2015,
	abstract = {We consider the impact of the Second Reform Act, and the doubling of the electorate it delivered, on the linguistic complexity of speeches made by members of parliament in Britain. Noting that the new voters were generally poorer and less educated than those who already enjoyed the suffrage, we hypothesize that cabinet ministers had strong incentives-relative to other members-to appeal to these new electors with simpler statements during parliamentary debates. We assess this claim with a data set of over half a million speeches for the period between the Great Reform Act and Great War, along with methods for measuring the comprehensibility of texts-which we validate in some detail. The theorized relationship holds: ministers become statistically significantly easier to understand (on average) relative to backbenchers, and this effect occurs almost immediately after the 1868 election. We show that this result is not an artifact of new personnel in the House of Commons.},
	author = {Spirling, Arthur},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1086/683612},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Spirling - 2015 - Democratization and Linguistic Complexity The Effect of Franchise Extension on Parliamentary Discourse, 1832-1915(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	number = {1},
	pages = {120--136},
	title = {{Democratization and Linguistic Complexity: The Effect of Franchise Extension on Parliamentary Discourse, 1832-1915}},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683612},
	volume = {78},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683612}}

@article{Barnes2018a,
	abstract = {Though the defense ministry has been a bastion of male power, a growing number of states have appointed women to this portfolio. What explains men's dominance over these positions? Which factors predict women's appointments? With comprehensive cross-national data from the post--Cold War era, we develop and test three sets of hypotheses concerning women's access to the defense ministry. We show that women remain excluded when the portfolio's remit reinforces traditional beliefs about the masculinity of the position, particularly in states that are engaged in fatal disputes, governed by military dictators, and large military spenders. By contrast, female defense ministers emerge when expectations about women's role in politics have changed---that is, in states with female chief executives and parliamentarians. Women are also first appointed to the post when its meaning diverges from traditional conceptions of the portfolio, particularly in countries concerned with peacekeeping and in former military states with left-wing governments.},
	author = {Barnes, Tiffany D. and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/ajps.12337},
	issn = {00925853},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	number = {2},
	pages = {355--368},
	publisher = {Blackwell Publishing Ltd},
	title = {{Defending the Realm: The Appointment of Female Defense Ministers Worldwide}},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ajps.12337},
	volume = {62},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ajps.12337},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12337}}

@article{Galea2018,
	author = {Galea, Natalie and Gaweda, Barbara},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X18000168},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/deconstructing-the-masculine-blueprint-the-institutional-and-discursive-consequences-of-male-political-dominance.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {17439248},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	number = {2},
	pages = {276--282},
	title = {{(De)constructing the masculine blueprint: The institutional and discursive consequences of male political dominance}},
	volume = {14},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X18000168}}

@article{Weale2012,
	abstract = {An influential model of deliberative democracy advances a principle of reciprocity as a norm of democratic debate on morally controversial issues. This norm is at odds with behaviour that has been observed in political campaigning and policy making where advocates of competing positions talk past one another. Does this inconsistency stem from a contrast between the normative and empirical or from not considering empirically plausible practices of democratic debate in which reciprocity might be respected? One such practice is free votes on conscience issues in the UK parliament. This article examines six second reading debates in the UK House of Commons on abortion legislation to assess whether, in favourable circumstances, political debate is consistent with reciprocity. Utilising computer-aided text analysis, via the Alceste program, it finds no gross departure from the norm of reciprocity, suitably operationalised, but neither does it find complete conformity to the norm of reciprocity. Because advocacy is an important component of political representation, deliberative norms are qualified in practice.},
	author = {Weale, Albert and Bicquelet, Aude and Bara, Judith},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00928.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weale, Bicquelet, Bara - 2012 - Debating Abortion, Deliberative Reciprocity and Parliamentary Advocacy.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {00323217},
	issn = {00323217},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {Abortion,Deliberative democracy,Parliamentary debate},
	number = {3},
	pages = {643--667},
	title = {{Debating Abortion, Deliberative Reciprocity and Parliamentary Advocacy}},
	url = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00928.x},
	volume = {60},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00928.x},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00928.x}}

@book{Hall1996,
	address = {London},
	author = {Hall, Valerie},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	isbn = {1853962872},
	pages = {214},
	publisher = {Paul Chapman},
	title = {{Dancing on the Ceiling: A Study of Women Managers in Education}},
	url = {https://research-information.bristol.ac.uk/en/publications/dancing-on-the-ceiling-a-study-of-women-managers-in-education(bce51c08-1b0b-4594-90bb-e7e1cc93f3ee)/export.html},
	year = {1996},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://research-information.bristol.ac.uk/en/publications/dancing-on-the-ceiling-a-study-of-women-managers-in-education(bce51c08-1b0b-4594-90bb-e7e1cc93f3ee)/export.html}}

@article{Benoit2016,
	abstract = {E mpirical social science often relies on data that are not observed in the field, but are transformed into quantitative variables by expert researchers who analyze and interpret qualitative raw sources. While generally considered the most valid way to produce data, this expert-driven process is inherently difficult to replicate or to assess on grounds of reliability. Using crowd-sourcing to distribute text for reading and interpretation by massive numbers of nonexperts, we generate results comparable to those using experts to read and interpret the same texts, but do so far more quickly and flexibly. Crucially, the data we collect can be reproduced and extended transparently, making crowd-sourced datasets intrinsically reproducible. This focuses researchers' attention on the fundamental scientific objective of specifying reliable and replicable methods for collecting the data needed, rather than on the content of any particular dataset. We also show that our approach works straightforwardly with different types of political text, written in different languages. While findings reported here concern text analysis, they have far-reaching implications for expert-generated data in the social sciences. P olitical scientists have made great strides toward greater reproducibility of their findings since the publication of Gary King's influential article Replication, Replication (King 1995). It is now standard practice for good professional journals to insist that authors lodge their data and code in a prominent open access repository. This allows other scholars to repli-cate and extend published results by reanalyzing the data, rerunning and modifying the code. Replication of an analysis, however, sets a far weaker standard than reproducibility of the data, which is typically seen as a fundamental principle of the scientific method. Here, we propose a step towards a more comprehensive scientific replication standard in which the mandate is to replicate data production, not just data analysis. This shifts attention from specific datasets as the essential scientific objects of interest, to the published and reproducible method by which the data were generated. We implement this more comprehensive replication standard for the rapidly expanding project of analyzing},
	author = {Benoit, Kenneth and Conway, Drew and Lauderdale, Benjamin E. and Laver, Michael and Mikhaylov, Slava},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000058},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benoit et al. - 2016 - Crowd-sourced Text Analysis Reproducible and Agile Production of Political Data.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {2},
	pages = {278--295},
	title = {{Crowd-sourced Text Analysis: Reproducible and Agile Production of Political Data}},
	volume = {110},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055416000058}}

@article{Bratton2005,
	abstract = {Research on women and representation has argued that women who serve in ``skewed'' legislatures---that is, legislatures in which women make up less than 15{\%} of the membership---avoid addressing women's interests and are marginalized by other legislators. I argue that women in such legislatures may actually be encouraged to develop legislative agendas that are distinct from those of their male colleagues, and that they may be as successful as their male counterparts. Analyzing data from three state legislatures in four years, I find that even in extremely skewed state legislatures, women are generally more active than men in sponsoring legislation that focuses on women's interests; indeed, in two of the three states, gender differences narrow as the legislature becomes more gender balanced. Second, I find that women are generally as successful as men in passing the legislation that they sponsor, and that in very homogeneous settings, they are sometimes more successful than men. Moreover, little evidence exists that they are less likely to be appointed to leadership positions. Finally, I find that increasing gender diversity within a legislature is accompanied by a greater overall focus on women's issues. I conclude that a ``critical mass'' is not necessary for substantive representation on the part of individual female state legislators, but that increased diversity may indeed bring about changes in policy outputs that reflect the interests of women.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      Counter to the assumption that women who represent in `skewed' legislatures ({\textless}15{\%}) won't address women's interests and be marginalised. This article argues that these women may be encouraged to develop legislative agendas that are distinct from those of their male colleagues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Method: analyses data from three state legislatures in four years 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: even in skewed state legislatures women are generally more active than men in sponsoring legislation that focuses on women's interests 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings: women are generally as successful as men in passing the legislation that they sponsor, and in very homogeneous settings they are sometimes more successful than men 
{\textperiodcentered}      Finding: increasing gender diversity in legislatures is typically accompanied by a greater focus on women's issues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Conclusion: `critical mass' not necessary for substantive representation on the part of individual female state legislators, but that increased diversity may indeed bring about changes in policy outputs that reflect the interests of women 
{\textperiodcentered}      Kanter (1977: 973) women may downplay group differences trying to ``blend unnoticeably into the predominant male culture'' -- whereas in more equitable contexts women may become less isolated and may affect group processes and the organisation's culture 
{\textperiodcentered}      See p. 106 for a breakdown of how earlier studies have approached the division of men's and women's issues 
{\textperiodcentered}      Findings/implications: results suggest that as the number of women in a legislature grows, so does the potential for changes in the day-to-day lives of female citizens. Even if on an individual level behaviour and success of women does not depend on the gender composition of the legislature, an increase in the number of women legislators over time may well be accompanied by changes in the institution itself and the policies it produces},
	author = {Bratton, Kathleen A},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S1743923X0505004X},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bratton - 2005 - Critical Mass Theory Revisited The Behavior and Success of Token Women in State Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Politics {\&} Gender},
	number = {1},
	pages = {97--125},
	title = {{Critical Mass Theory Revisited: The Behavior and Success of Token Women in State Legislatures}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X0505004X},
	volume = {1},
	year = {2005},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X0505004X}}

@article{Chaney2012,
	abstract = {Recent theory-building on the substantive representation of women (SRW) in parliamentary settings contends that in addition to traditional concerns about achieving a `critical mass' of women, scholars need to question who the `critical actors' are. Analysis of a range of deliberative functions of the Scottish Parliament supports the critical actor thesis---yet, while female critical actors have disproportionate policy-making influence, the present study adds to contemporary understanding by highlighting that it is how critical actors interact with critical mass that plays a key role in the SRW. Thus future work needs to be cognisant of a range of factors shaping critical mass/critical actor interaction, including: institutional mechanisms, type of parliamentary proceed- ing, party allegiance and whether women representatives belong to the party forming the executive. Keywords:},
	author = {Chaney, Paul},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856X.2011.00467.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chaney - 2012 - Critical Actors vs. Critical Mass The Substantive Representation of Women in the Scottish Parliament.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1467-856X},
	issn = {13691481},
	journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
	keywords = {Deliberation,Representation,Scottish Parliament,Women},
	number = {3},
	pages = {441--457},
	title = {{Critical Actors vs. Critical Mass: The Substantive Representation of Women in the Scottish Parliament}},
	volume = {14},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2011.00467.x}}

@article{Edelsky1990,
	annote = {Notes: not methods useful},
	author = {Edelsky, Carole and Adams, Karen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Edelsky, Adams - 1990 - Creating Inequality Breaking the Rules in Debates.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Language and Social Psychology},
	number = {3},
	pages = {171--190},
	title = {{Creating Inequality: Breaking the Rules in Debates}},
	volume = {9},
	year = {1990}}

@article{Pennington2016,
	abstract = {BACKGROUND: Women in mathematical domains may become attuned to situational cues that signal a discredited social identity, contributing to their lower achievement and underrepresentation.
AIM: This study examined whether heightened in-group representation alleviates the effects of stereotype threat on women's mathematical performance. It further investigated whether single-sex testing environments and stereotype threat influenced participants to believe that their ability was fixed (fixed mindset) rather than a trait that could be developed (growth mindset).
SAMPLE AND METHOD: One hundred and forty-four female participants were assigned randomly to a self-as-target or group-as-target stereotype threat condition or to a control condition. They completed a modular arithmetic maths test and a mindset questionnaire either alone or in same-sex groups of 3-5 individuals.
RESULTS: Participants solved fewer mathematical problems under self-as-target and group-as-target stereotype threat when they were tested alone, but these performance deficits were eliminated when they were tested in single-sex groups. Participants reported a weaker growth mindset when they were tested under stereotype threat and in single-sex groups. Moreover, evidence of inconsistent mediation indicated that single-sex testing environments negatively predicted mindset but positively predicted mathematical performance.
CONCLUSIONS: These findings suggest that single-sex testing environments may represent a practical intervention to alleviate stereotype threat effects but may have a paradoxical effect on mindset.},
	author = {Pennington, Charlotte R. and Heim, Derek},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/bjep.12110},
	file = {::},
	issn = {20448279},
	journal = {The British journal of educational psychology},
	keywords = {critical mass,mindset,single-sex classrooms,social identity,stereotype threat},
	number = {3},
	pages = {353--368},
	pmid = {27017194},
	title = {{Creating a critical mass eliminates the effects of stereotype threat on women's mathematical performance}},
	volume = {86},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/bjep.12110}}

@article{Cameron2020,
	abstract = {Since the 1990s, media commentators in the UK and elsewhere have praised women for introducing a "visibly different style of politics", one symbol of which is the alleged preference of female politicians for a less adversarial and more cooperative style of political speech. Drawing on an analysis of the 2015 UK General Election campaign, we argue that this notion of women's "different voice" has become increasingly central to the media's construction of prominent female politicians as public figures, despite the evidence that it does not reflect any clear-cut pattern of differentiation between male and female political speakers of equivalent status and experience. Though it may seem to be an advance on previous negative representations of female politicians, we suggest that it reproduces-albeit in a "modernized" form-the long-established tendency of the media to evaluate women in relation to gendered norms and expectations, while men are judged as individuals.},
	author = {Cameron, Deborah and Shaw, Sylvia},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1075/jlp.19086.cam},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cameron, Shaw - 2020 - Constructing women's ``different voice'' Gendered mediation in the 2015 UK General Election.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Journal of Language and Politics},
	keywords = {UK politics,election debates,gendered mediation,speech style,women},
	number = {1},
	pages = {144--159},
	title = {{Constructing women's ``different voice'': Gendered mediation in the 2015 UK General Election}},
	volume = {19},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19086.cam}}

@article{Hawkesworth2003,
	abstract = {Investigating reports of marginalization from Congresswomen of color, I examine legislative practices in the 103rd and 104th Congresses to illuminate dynamics that structure hierarchies on the basis of race and gender. I advance an account of racing-gendering as a political process that silences, stereotypes, enforces invisibility, excludes, and challenges the epistemic authority of Congresswomen of color. Racing-gendering constitutes a form of interested bias operating in Congress, which has important implications for understandings of the internal operations of political institutions, the policy priorities of Congresswomen of color, the substantive representation of historically underrepresented groups, and the practice of democracy in the United States.},
	author = {Hawkesworth, Mary},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0003055403000868},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/congressional-enactments-of-racegender-toward-a-theory-of-racedgendered-institutions.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0003055403000},
	issn = {15375943},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	number = {4},
	pages = {529--550},
	publisher = {University College London (UCL)},
	title = {{Congressional Enactments of Race-Gender: Toward a Theory of Raced-Gendered Institutions}},
	volume = {97},
	year = {2003},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055403000868}}

@article{Hayden1999,
	abstract = {To cite this article: Sara Hayden (1999) Negotiating femininity and power in the early twentieth century west: Domestic ideology and feminine style in Jeannette Rankin's suffrage rhetoric, Communication Studies, 50:2, 83-102,},
	author = {Hayden, Sara},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/10510979909388476},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hayden - 1999 - Communication Studies Negotiating femininity and power in the early twentieth century west Domestic ideology and feminin.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Communication Studies},
	number = {2},
	pages = {83--102},
	title = {{Communication Studies Negotiating femininity and power in the early twentieth century west: Domestic ideology and feminine style in Jeannette Rankin's suffrage rhetoric}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcst20},
	volume = {50},
	year = {1999},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcst20},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10510979909388476}}

@article{OGrady2019,
	abstract = {Many parties have seen declines in working-class legislators and increases in professional career politicians. I argue that career politicians are more likely to adopt policies for strategic political reasons, whereas working-class politicians are more likely to represent the interests of working-class voters. Changes in the representation of these occupational groups matter substantively whenever legislators' strategic concerns contradict the interests of working-class voters. Welfare reforms adopted in the 1990s and 2000s by the British Labour Party exhibit this divergence. The two types of politicians held very different policy positions, which I measure using a scaling method applied to all speeches made about welfare in the House of Commons from 1987 to 2007. The results carry over to voting behavior and are robust to alternative explanations, including other characteristics of both MPs and their voters. The changing representation of occupational groups has therefore had substantive policy effects, lowering the political influence of working-class voters.},
	author = {O'Grady, Tom},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414018784065},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/O'Grady - 2019 - Careerists Versus Coal-Miners Welfare Reforms and the Substantive Representation of Social Groups in the British Labour.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	number = {4},
	pages = {544--578},
	title = {{Careerists Versus Coal-Miners: Welfare Reforms and the Substantive Representation of Social Groups in the British Labour Party}},
	volume = {52},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414018784065}}

@article{Everitt2016,
	abstract = {This article explores the impact that women's and men's nonverbal forms of communication have on voters' evaluations of political figures. The results indicate that nonverbal cues employed by female and male politicians during political speeches trigger both leadership and gender stereotypes. Furthermore, these behaviors produce different reactions among male and female viewers. Our results indicate that while female politicians are not generally stereotyped as being less agentic (strong leaders, aggressive, tough, confident, or decisive) than men, when they are observed using agonic (assertive, expressive, or choppy) hand movements, their assessments drop. Men demonstrating the same behavior see their leadership assessments improve. Nonverbal cues have little effect on gender-based stereotypes linked to communal qualities such as being caring, sociable, emotional, sensitive, and family oriented, but do impact willingness to vote for a candidate. Women are more likely to receive votes particularly from male respondents if they are calm and contained. Male candidates are more likely to be supported by both women and men when they communicate using assertive nonverbal behaviors.},
	author = {Everitt, Joanna and Best, Lisa A. and Gaudet, Derek and Everit, Joanna},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/0002764216676244},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Everitt et al. - 2016 - Candidate Gender, Behavioral Style, and Willingness to Vote Support for Female Candidates Depends on Conformity.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
	number = {14},
	pages = {1737--1755},
	title = {{Candidate Gender, Behavioral Style, and Willingness to Vote: Support for Female Candidates Depends on Conformity to Gender Norms}},
	volume = {60},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764216676244}}

@article{Wolak2015a,
	abstract = {Does the presence of descriptive representation have symbolic consequences for women's engagement in politics? Given mixed results from prior survey-based studies, I use experiments to investigate whether there is a direct psychological effect of candidate gender on voters' interest in political engagement. By holding the features of the campaign and attributes of the candidates constant, I investigate the specific effects of candidate gender on people's perceptions of the candidates and their desire to engage in politics. I find that women's interest and engagement with the campaign is insensitive to the gender of the candidates, while men are less interested in participating in the election when the congressional candidate from their party is female. The mere presence of women candidates does not animate women's engagement in campaigns.},
	author = {Wolak, Jennifer},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/1532673X14547228},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wolak - 2015 - Candidate Gender and the Political Engagement of Women and Men.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {American Politics Research},
	number = {5},
	pages = {872--896},
	title = {{Candidate Gender and the Political Engagement of Women and Men}},
	volume = {43},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X14547228}}

@article{Holman2017,
	abstract = {Research on evaluations of leaders has frequently found that female leaders receive lower ratings in times of national security crisis. However, less is known about countervailing factors. We contend that partisanship and leadership experience in relevant domains are two factors that can counteract the negative effects of terrorist threat on evaluations of female political leaders. To test this expectation, we implemented a national study in 2012 containing terrorist threat and non-threat conditions, and then asked participants to evaluate political leaders. The results show that Republican leaders, including women, are unaffected by terrorist threat; in contrast, Democratic leaders are punished during times of terrorist threat, but this negative effect is smaller for then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton compared to Nancy Pelosi, who lacks similar experience. In short, Republican partisanship is a strong countervailing factor, while leadership experience in national security more modestly countervails.},
	author = {Holman, Mirya R. and Merolla, Jennifer L. and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1177/2053168016688121},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/2053168016688121.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {2053168016688},
	issn = {20531680},
	journal = {Research and Politics},
	keywords = {Gender,Political leaders,Stereotypes,Terrorism},
	number = {1},
	title = {{Can experience overcome stereotypes in times of terror threat?}},
	volume = {4},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168016688121}}

@article{Brescoll2008,
	abstract = {Three studies examined the relationships among anger, gender, and status conferral. As in prior research, menwho expressedanger inaprofessional context were conferred higher status than men who expressed sad- ness. However, both male and female evaluators conferred lower status on angry female professionals than on angry male professionals. This was the case regardless of the actual occupational rank of the target, such that both a female trainee and a femaleCEOwere given lower status if they expressed anger than if they did not. Whereas wom- en's emotional reactions were attributed to internal char- acteristics (e.g., ``she is an angry person,'' ``she is out of control''), men's emotional reactions were attributed to external circumstances. Providing an external attribution for the target person's anger eliminated the gender bias. Theoretical implications and practical applications are discussed.},
	author = {Brescoll, Victoria L. and Uhlmann, Eric Luis},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02079.x},
	file = {::},
	issn = {0956-7976},
	journal = {Psychological Science},
	number = {3},
	pages = {268--275},
	title = {{Can an Angry Woman Get Ahead?}},
	volume = {19},
	year = {2008},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02079.x}}

@book{Phillips2018,
	address = {London},
	author = {Phillips, Daniel and Curtice, John and Phillips, Miranda and Perry, Jane},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{British Social Attitudes: The 35th Report}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Spirling2018,
	author = {Spirling, Arthur and Huang, Leslie and Patrick, Perry},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3235506},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Spirling, Huang, Patrick - 2018 - Boring in a New Way Estimation and Inference for Political Style at Westminster, 1935--2018.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {SSRN Electronic Journal},
	pages = {1--33},
	title = {{Boring in a New Way: Estimation and Inference for Political Style at Westminster, 1935--2018}},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3235506}}

@article{Wackerle2019,
	author = {W{\"{a}}ckerle, Jens and Silva, Bruno Castanho},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/W{\"{a}}ckerle, Silva - 2019 - Blending in or Standing out Connecting Women's Descriptive, Symbolic, and Substantive Representation in Four E.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Working Paper},
	title = {{Blending in or Standing out: Connecting Women's Descriptive, Symbolic, and Substantive Representation in Four European Parliaments}},
	year = {2019}}

@article{Eagly2012,
	abstract = {The behavior of women and men varies greatly depending on situations, cultures, and historical periods. This flexibility emerges as men and women tailor their division of labor to local ecological and socioeconomic demands. The resulting division is supported by childhood socialization practices that, in interaction with sex differences in child temperament, help boys and girls to develop psychologies suited to their likely adult activities. Although responsive to local conditions, the division of labor is constrained by women's childbearing and nursing of infants and men's size and strength. Because these biological characteristics influence the efficient performance of many activities in society, they underlie central tendencies in the division of labor as well as its variability across situations, cultures, and history. Gender roles-that is, shared beliefs about the traits of women and men-track the division of labor because people infer these traits from their observations of the sexes' behaviors. Social perceivers often essentialize these traits by regarding them as inherent in the biology or social experience of women and men. Gender role expectations, which tend to be consensual within cultures, influence behavior through proximal social psychological and biological processes, whereby (a) other people encourage gender-typical behavior and individuals conform to their own gender identities and (b) hormonal, reward, and cardiovascular mechanisms enable masculine and feminine behaviors.},
	author = {Eagly, Alice H. and Wood, Wendy},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/B978-0-12-394281-4.00002-7},
	journal = {Advances in Experimental Social Psychology},
	pages = {55--123},
	publisher = {Academic Press Inc.},
	title = {{Biosocial Construction of Sex Differences and Similarities in Behavior}},
	volume = {46},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-394281-4.00002-7}}

@article{Rozin2010,
	abstract = {Positive events are more common (more tokens), but negative events are more differentiated (more types). These observations and asymmetries about the world are consistent with a number of features or biases favouring positive adjectives that have been shown for English. Compared to their opposites, positive adjectives in English are more likely to be unmarked, negated into their opposite, define the entire negative to positive dimension, and occur first in conjunctions with their negative opposite. In this paper we document that these biases have considerable generality, appearing in all or almost all of 20 natural languages. The greater differentiation of negative states is illustrated here by the demonstration that five common nouns describing negative states in English (disgust, risk, sympathy, accident, murderer) have equivalents in most or all of the 20 languages surveyed, but the opposite of these nouns is not lexicalised in most of the 20 languages.},
	author = {Rozin, Paul and Berman, Loren and Royzman, Edward},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/02699930902793462},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rozin, Berman, Royzman - 2010 - Biases in use of positive and negative words across twenty natural languages.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {02699931},
	journal = {Cognition and Emotion},
	keywords = {Biases,Emotion,Language,Negativity,Valence},
	number = {3},
	pages = {536--548},
	title = {{Biases in use of positive and negative words across twenty natural languages}},
	volume = {24},
	year = {2010},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/02699930902793462}}

@book{Jamieson1988,
	address = {Oxford},
	author = {Jamieson, Kathleen},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	title = {{Beyond the Double Bind: Women and Leadership}},
	year = {1988}}

@article{Gleason2019,
	author = {Gleason, Shane A.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-15 16:09:33 +0100},
	doi = {10.1177/1065912919847001},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gleason - 2019 - Beyond Mere Presence Gender Norms in Oral Arguments at the U.S. Supreme Court(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	number = {3},
	pages = {596--608},
	publisher = {Forthcoming},
	title = {{Beyond Mere Presence: Gender Norms in Oral Arguments at the U.S. Supreme Court}},
	volume = {73},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912919847001}}

@article{Gelman2006,
	abstract = {Explained variance (R 2) is a familiar summary of the fit of a linear regression and has been generalized in various ways to multilevel (hierarchical) models. The multilevel models that we consider in this article are characterized by hierarchical data structures in which individuals are grouped into units (which themselves might be further grouped into larger units), and variables are measured on individuals and each grouping unit. The models are based on regression relationships at different levels, with the first level corresponding to the individual data and subsequent levels corresponding to between-group regressions of individual predictor effects on grouping unit variables. We present an approach to defining R 2 at each level of the multilevel model, rather than attempting to create a single summary measure of fit. Our method is based on comparing variances in a single fitted model rather than with a null model. In simple regression, our measure generalizes the classical adjusted R 2. We also discuss a related variance comparison to summarize the degree to which estimates at each level of the model are pooled together based on the level-specific regression relationship, rather than estimated separately. This pooling factor is related to the concept of shrinkage in simple hierarchical models. We illustrate the methods on a dataset of radon in houses within counties using a series of models ranging from a simple linear regression model to a multilevel varying-intercept, varying-slope model. {\textcopyright} 2006 American Statistical Association and the American Society for Quality.},
	author = {Gelman, Andrew and Pardoe, Iain},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gelman, Pardoe - 2006 - Bayesian measures of explained variance and pooling in multilevel (hierarchical) models.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Technometrics},
	number = {2},
	pages = {241--251},
	title = {{Bayesian measures of explained variance and pooling in multilevel (hierarchical) models}},
	volume = {48},
	year = {2006}}

@article{Stegmueller2014,
	abstract = {To examine dynamics of political processes using repeated cross-section data, effects of age, cohort, and time period have to be disentangled. I propose a Bayesian dynamic hierarchical model with cohort and period effects modeled as random walk through time. It includes smoothly time-varying effects of covariates, allowing researchers to study changing effects of individual characteristics on political behavior. It provides a flexible functional form estimate of age by integrating a semi-parametric approach in the hierarchical model. I employ this approach to examine religious voting in the United States using repeated cross-sectional surveys from 1972 to 2008. I find starkly differing nonlinear trends of de- and re-alignment among different religious denominations. {\textcopyright} 2013 Elsevier Ltd.},
	author = {Stegmueller, Daniel},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.005},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stegmueller - 2014 - Bayesian hierarchical age-period-cohort models with time-structured effects An application to religious voting inth.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {02613794},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	keywords = {Age-period-cohort,Hierarchical models,Religion,State-space models,Voting},
	pages = {52--62},
	publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
	title = {{Bayesian hierarchical age-period-cohort models with time-structured effects: An application to religious voting inthe US, 1972-2008}},
	volume = {33},
	year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.005}}

@article{Crowder-Meyer2018a,
	abstract = {Americans without prestigious educational or professional backgrounds hold offices throughout the American government. Yet we know little about how these ordinary Americans developed political ambition or whether gender differences in ambition are present among this population. This paper uses a national sample of 1240 Americans to fill these gaps, identifying how political ambition develops differently for ordinary men and women, and drawing on this knowledge to help explain the surge in female candidates following the 2016 election. In contrast with elite samples , I show that the factors determining men's political ambition are almost entirely distinct from those shaping women's ambition among the mass public. I theorize that ordinary women's ambition is particularly affected by the gendered expectations of those around them and the challenges they face balancing caregiving, work, and political engagement without the experience and resources possessed by elite women. I find support for this theory; ordinary women's ambition is particularly dependent on the support of personal and political sources who can help them manage the demands of candidacy. In contrast, ordinary men's ambition depends far less on encouragement from others, and instead increases with levels of education , political participation, and marriage. These results, and the distribution of the factors shaping ambition among Americans, help explain women's low descriptive representation among American candidates and elected officials. They also provide a potential explanation for the unusual increase in women's candidacies in 2017 and 2018.},
	author = {Crowder-Meyer, Melody},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-018-9498-9},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Crowder-Meyer - 2018 - Baker, Bus Driver, Babysitter, Candidate Revealing the Gendered Development of Political Ambition Among Ordina(2).pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0123456789},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	pages = {1--23},
	title = {{Baker, Bus Driver, Babysitter, Candidate? Revealing the Gendered Development of Political Ambition Among Ordinary Americans}},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-018-9498-9}}

@misc{Morris2017,
	author = {Morris, Colin},
	booktitle = {The Pudding},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{Are Pop Lyrics Getting More Reptitive? An Exercise in Language Compression}},
	url = {https://pudding.cool/2017/05/song-repetition/},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://pudding.cool/2017/05/song-repetition/}}

@article{Koenig2011,
	abstract = {This meta-analysis examined the extent to which stereotypes of leaders are culturally masculine. The primary studies fit into 1 of 3 paradigms: (a) In Schein's (1973) think manager-think male paradigm, 40 studies with 51 effect sizes compared the similarity of male and leader stereotypes and the similarity of female and leader stereotypes; (b) in Powell and Butterfield's (1979) agency-communion paradigm, 22 studies with 47 effect sizes compared stereotypes of leaders' agency and communion; and (c) in Shinar's (1975) masculinity-femininity paradigm, 7 studies with 101 effect sizes represented stereotypes of leadership-related occupations on a single masculinity-femininity dimension. Analyses implemented appropriate random and mixed effects models. All 3 paradigms demonstrated overall masculinity of leader stereotypes: (a) In the think manager-think male paradigm, intraclass correlation = .25 for the women-leaders similarity and intraclass correlation = .62 for the men-leaders similarity; (b) in the agency-communion paradigm, g = 1.55, indicating greater agency than communion; and (c) in the masculinity-femininity paradigm, g = 0.92, indicating greater masculinity than the androgynous scale midpoint. Subgroup and meta-regression analyses indicated that this masculine construal of leadership has decreased over time and was greater for male than female research participants. In addition, stereotypes portrayed leaders as less masculine in educational organizations than in other domains and in moderate- than in high-status leader roles. This article considers the relation of these findings to Eagly and Karau's (2002) role congruity theory, which proposed contextual influences on the incongruity between stereotypes of women and leaders. The implications for prejudice against women leaders are also considered.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 616) ``Fuelling the mismatch is an inconsistency between the predominantly communal qualities (e.g., nice, compassionate) that people associate with women and predominantly agentic qualities (e.g., assertive, competitive) that they believe are required for success as a leader.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``leadership is generally associated with masculinity'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``stereotypes often are a potent barrier to women's advancement to positions of leadership.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 617) ``women are regarded as the nicer, kinder sex and thus have a cultural stereo- type that is in general more positive than that of men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``communion the more important theme in the female stereotype and agency the more important theme in both leader and male stereotypes.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 618) ``Another possibility is that the increase of women leaders might produce less masculine and more androgynous beliefs about leadership. Evidence of the increase of women leaders abounds, including growth over time in women's emergence as leaders in field and laboratory studies of leader emergence in initially leaderless groups (Eagly {\&} Karau, 1991).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Empirical research thus has demonstrated that an increase in the number of women leaders can produce a more androgynous concept of leadership and thereby reduce bias toward current and potential women leaders.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 619) ``In sum, leader stereotypes may have become less masculine over time. If the change in leader stereotypes is related to increases of women in leadership roles, then the number of women leaders should be related to the masculinity of leadership.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``As a result, women leaders, particularly as newcomers entering male-dominated roles, can encounter resistance, especially from men (Eagly {\&} Carli, 2007).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Leadership may be less masculine, for example, in female-dominated fields such as elementary education, nursing, or librarianship (U.S. Department of Labor, 2010b). Because these fields are thought to require traditionally feminine skills, such as warmth, compassion, and caring for others (Cejka {\&} Eagly, 1999; Glick, 1991), the characteristics that people associate with leader- ship roles in these occupations are likely to incorporate more communal attributes.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 634) ``Specifically, people viewed leaders as quite similar to men but not very similar to women, as more agentic than communal, and as more masculine than feminine.''},
	author = {Koenig, Anne and Eagly, Alice and Mitchell, Abigail and Ristikari, Tiina},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-05-26 14:45:43 +0100},
	doi = {10.1037/a0023557},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Koenig et al. - 2011 - Are leader stereotypes masculine A meta-analysis of three research paradigms.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {0033-2909$\backslash$r1939-1455},
	issn = {00332909},
	journal = {Psychological Bulletin},
	keywords = {Gender roles,Gender stereotypes,Leadership,Management,Meta-analysis},
	number = {4},
	pages = {616--642},
	pmid = {21639606},
	title = {{Are leader stereotypes masculine? A meta-analysis of three research paradigms}},
	volume = {137},
	year = {2011},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://doi.apa.org/getdoi.cfm?doi=10.1037/a0023557},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1037/a0023557}}

@misc{Henley2020,
	author = {Henley, Jon and {Ainge Roy}, Eleanor},
	booktitle = {The Guardian},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{Are female leaders more successful at managing the coronavirus crisis? }},
	url = {https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/25/why-do-female-leaders-seem-to-be-more-successful-at-managing-the-coronavirus-crisis?utm{\_}term=Autofeed{\&}CMP=twt{\_}gu{\&}utm{\_}medium{\&}utm{\_}source=Twitter{\#}Echobox=1587788847},
	urldate = {2020-04-27},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/25/why-do-female-leaders-seem-to-be-more-successful-at-managing-the-coronavirus-crisis?utm%7B%5C_%7Dterm=Autofeed%7B%5C&%7DCMP=twt%7B%5C_%7Dgu%7B%5C&%7Dutm%7B%5C_%7Dmedium%7B%5C&%7Dutm%7B%5C_%7Dsource=Twitter%7B%5C#%7DEchobox=1587788847}}

@article{Childs2009,
	abstract = {This article makes a case for rethinking traditional approaches to the study of legislative behaviour on behalf of women by asking (1) not when women make a difference, but how the substantive representation of women occurs; and (2) not what `women' do, but what specific actors do. The first shift aims to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that motivate and inform substantive representation. The second seeks to move beyond a focus on female legislators to identify the `critical actors', male and female, who may attempt to represent women as a group. In so doing, this framework calls attention to how structure and agency interact in the substantive representation of women.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 125) ``A central concern of research is whether who holds office, descriptive representation, affects the types of politics passed, substantive representation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In work on gender, scholars typically examine these links through questions such as `Do women in politics make a difference?' and `Do women act for women?' The empirical evidence is inconclusive.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Some studies find that the presence of women can lead to changes in legislative dis- courses, proposals, debates and outcomes. Yet, others uncover little or no difference in the styles and behaviours of male and female office-holders. Such variety is often attributed to the fact that women constitute a minority in all elected assemblies'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 126) ``according to critical mass theory, women are unlikely to have an impact until they grow from a few token individuals into a considerable minority, or `critical mass', of all legislators.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``we propose an alternative approach focused (1) not on when women make a difference, but on how the substantive representation of women occurs, and (2) not on what `women' do, but on what specific actors do.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 129) ``a rise in the number of women may influence men's behaviour, causing both male and female legislators to pay more attention to women's issues.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 130) Legislative environments: ``These may compel men and female legislators to conform to masculine practices in ways that undermine their ability to integrate women's concerns and perspectives into public policy-making.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women generally do not occupy high-ranking posts in important legislative committees,19 and when they do, often face repeated challenges to their leader- ship as a result of gendered norms of power.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Party affiliation and ideology may also be important.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 131) ``They suggest that `gender' is not a pre-political and fixed identity that women and men bring with them when they enter politics, but one that is partially produced and reproduced within the context of particular legislatures.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 132) ``Some scholars claim that women only have an impact when they do not act in the same way as men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 133) Women's issues: ``scholars define these issues in different ways: as policies that increase the autonomy and well-being of women; as concerns that belong to the private sphere according to established views on gender relations; as areas where surveys discover a gender gap in the population; and as any issues of concern to the broader society.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 135) ``the importance of context when studying women's substantive representation.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 137) ``Highly motivated individuals may thus be sufficient; they may not always achieve -- or need to achieve -- wide- spread mobilization for collective ends.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 138) ``Critical acts include the recruitment of other women, the introduction of quotas for women, and new equality legislation and equality institutions. Critical acts depend, crucially, on `the willingness and ability of the minority to mobilize the resources of the organization or institution to improve the situation for themselves and the whole minority group'.''   
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 140) Use the example of McCafferty as a `critical actor' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 143) ``The aim of the first shift is to explore the contexts, identities and attitudes that might motivate and inform the substantive representation of women.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 144) ``The second stage is to get a sense of legislators' attitudes and interests with regard to the distribution of their beliefs and commitments vis-{\`a}̀-vis public policy related to women.},
	author = {Childs, Sarah and Krook, Mona Lena},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01279.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs, Krook - 2009 - Analysing Women's Substantive Representation From Critical Mass to Critical Actors.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Government and Opposition},
	number = {2},
	pages = {125--145},
	title = {{Analysing Women's Substantive Representation: From Critical Mass to Critical Actors}},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2009},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01279.x}}

@article{Gibson1995,
	abstract = {This study investigates the emphasis males and females place on leadership behaviors and styles across four countries characterized as two cultural dyads (Norway - Sweden and Australia - U.S.). Previous gender comparisons and cross-cultural studies of leadership are reviewed. A framework for exploring leadership, consisting of five leadership behaviors and six leadership styles, is then presented and tested with questionnaire data from 209 managers across the four countries. Results demonstrate significant effects for gender and country, but no interaction effects, Post-hoc analyses suggest that across all four countries, male emphasize the goal setting dimension, while females emphasize the interaction facilitation dimension. Australians scored significantly differently than leaders in the other countries on interaction facilitation, benevolent autocratic style, and laissez-faire style. These findings are discussed in light of gender characteristics and cultural values.},
	author = {Gibson, Cristina B.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8490847},
	journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
	number = {2},
	pages = {255--279},
	title = {{An Investigation of Gender Differences in Leadership Across Four Countries}},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8490847},
	volume = {26},
	year = {1995},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8490847},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8490847}}

@article{Saha2020,
	abstract = {Are ambitious women punished in politics? Building on literature from negotiation, we argue that women candidates who are perceived to be ambitious are more likely to face social backlash. We first explore what the term 'ambitious' means to voters, developing and testing a new multidimensional concept of perceived ambition, from desire to run for higher office to scope of agenda. We then test the link between these 'ambitious' traits and voter support for candidates using five conjoint experiments in two countries, the U.S. and the U.K. Our results show that while ambitious women are not penalized overall, the aggregate results hide differences in taste for ambitious women across parties. We find that in the U.S. left-wing voters are more likely to support women with progressive ambition than right-wing voters (difference of 7{\%} points), while in the U.K. parties are not as divided. Our results suggest that ambitious women candidates in the U.S. face bias particularly in the context of non-partisan races (like primaries and local elections), when voters cannot rely on party labels to make decisions.},
	author = {Saha, Sparsha and Weeks, Ana Catalano},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-06-15 16:17:21 +0100},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-020-09636-z},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Dropbox/gendered{\_}styles/lit/ambitious{\_}women{\_}final{\_}pb.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {0190-9320},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	pages = {1--27},
	title = {{Ambitious Women: Gender and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ambition}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-020-09636-z}}

@article{Krook2012,
	abstract = {Women have traditionally been underrepresented among government ministers, and when included in cabinets have largely been relegated to ''feminine'' and low-prestige policy areas. Recently, however, some countries have witnessed changes in the number, gender, and/or prestige of women's appointments. What accounts for this variation in women's access to ministerial power? To answer this question, we posit three competing theoretical explanations: political institutions, social indicators of gender equality, and broader trends in women's political recruitment. To test these hypotheses, we compile an original dataset of 117 countries and construct a new measure-the Gender Power Score-which differentially weights cabinet positions based on women's numbers and the gender and prestige of the ministries to which they are assigned. Using a finite mixture model to evaluate competing hypotheses, we find that political variables-rather than social factors-have the strongest impact on gender parity in cabinets.},
	author = {Krook, Mona Lena and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/S0022381612000382},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krook, O'Brien - 2012 - All the President's Men The Appointment of Female Cabinet Ministers Worldwide(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	number = {3},
	pages = {840--855},
	title = {{All the President's Men? The Appointment of Female Cabinet Ministers Worldwide}},
	volume = {74},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381612000382}}

@article{Lamprinakou2017,
	abstract = {Drawing on data from the Parliamentary Candidates UK project, we profile the socio-demographic characteristics of parliamentary candidates standing in 2015 and compare elected MPs to previous cohorts since 1979. We argue that the 2015 cohort of candidates largely resembles the archetypal candidate identified by Durose et al. (2013, Parliamentary Affairs, 66, 246-267). Despite smaller par-ties' campaign rhetoric of a 'new kind of politics', parties across the spectrum offer up very similar candidate profiles. We find a narrowing of occupational backgrounds, with fewer candidates and MPs from manual occupations, and an increasing percentage of candidates and MPs with a university education. Competition across the parties, particularly in terms of the selection of women and black and minority ethnic (BME) candidates, has positive consequences for the representativeness of Parliament. However, despite a record number of women and BME MPs elected, Parliament remains disproportionately white and male.},
	author = {Lamprinakou, Chrysa and Morucci, Marco and Campbell, Rosie and {Van Heerde-Hudson}, Jennifer},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsw030},
	file = {::},
	isbn = {70/2/207/2439505},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	keywords = {Archetypal candidate,Descriptive representation,Occupation,Political class,Race/ethnicity,Sex},
	pages = {207--232},
	title = {{All Change in the House? The Profile of Candidates and MPs in the 2015 British General Election}},
	volume = {70},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsw030}}

@article{Young2012a,
	abstract = {An increasing number of studies in political communication focus on the ?sentiment? or ?tone? of news content, political speeches, or advertisements. This growing interest in measuring sentiment coincides with a dramatic increase in the volume of digitized information. Computer automation has a great deal of potential in this new media environment. The objective here is to outline and validate a new automated measurement instrument for sentiment analysis in political texts. Our instrument uses a dictionary-based approach consisting of a simple word count of the frequency of keywords in a text from a predefined dictionary. The design of the freely available Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary (LSD) is discussed in detail here. The dictionary is tested against a body of human-coded news content, and the resulting codes are also compared to results from nine existing content-analytic dictionaries. Analyses suggest that the LSD produces results that are more systematically related to human coding than are results based on the other available dictionaries. The LSD is thus a useful starting point for a revived discussion about dictionary construction and validation in sentiment analysis for political communication.$\backslash$nAn increasing number of studies in political communication focus on the ?sentiment? or ?tone? of news content, political speeches, or advertisements. This growing interest in measuring sentiment coincides with a dramatic increase in the volume of digitized information. Computer automation has a great deal of potential in this new media environment. The objective here is to outline and validate a new automated measurement instrument for sentiment analysis in political texts. Our instrument uses a dictionary-based approach consisting of a simple word count of the frequency of keywords in a text from a predefined dictionary. The design of the freely available Lexicoder Sentiment Dictionary (LSD) is discussed in detail here. The dictionary is tested against a body of human-coded news content, and the resulting codes are also compared to results from nine existing content-analytic dictionaries. Analyses suggest that the LSD produces results that are more systematically related to human coding than are results based on the other available dictionaries. The LSD is thus a useful starting point for a revived discussion about dictionary construction and validation in sentiment analysis for political communication.},
	author = {Young, Lori and Soroka, Stuart},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/10584609.2012.671234},
	file = {::},
	issn = {10584609},
	journal = {Political Communication},
	keywords = {content analysis,media tone,methodology},
	number = {2},
	pages = {205--231},
	title = {{Affective News: The Automated Coding of Sentiment in Political Texts}},
	volume = {29},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2012.671234}}

@article{Dickinson2018,
	abstract = {Post-election socialisation has frequently been identified as a source of parlia-mentarians' disposition towards party loyalty. Yet a recent study of the socialisa-tion experiences of new members in the British Parliament, using tenure as proxy for socialisation, found little evidence of an effect on party loyalty (Rush and Giddings, 2011, Parliamentary Socialisation: Learning the Ropes or Determining Behaviour? London, Springer). This paper develops a new model of parliamentary socialisation and uses the same data to demonstrate that post-entry socialisation did in fact change legislators reported likeliness to behave in accordance with their party leadership's wishes. Specifically, a framework based on information exchange (advice giving) is used to show that positive interactions with party actors are associated with increased loyalty. Controlling for initial levels of loyalty, members who received more useful advice from party actors were more likely to rate themselves as highly influenced by the party leadership.},
	author = {Dickinson, Nicholas},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gsx035},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dickinson - 2018 - Advice Giving and Party Loyalty an Informational Model for the Socialisation Process of New British MPs.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	keywords = {British Politics,Cohesion,Parliaments,Parties,Socialisation,Surveys},
	pages = {343--364},
	title = {{Advice Giving and Party Loyalty: an Informational Model for the Socialisation Process of New British MPs}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/71/2/343/4237494},
	volume = {71},
	year = {2018},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/71/2/343/4237494},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsx035}}

@article{Durose2013,
	author = {Durose, Catherine and Richardson, Liz and Combs, Ryan and Eason, Christina and Gains, Francesca},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/PA/GSS085},
	issn = {0031-2290},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	number = {2},
	pages = {246--267},
	publisher = {Oxford Academic},
	title = {{`Acceptable Difference': Diversity, Representation and Pathways to UK Politics}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article/66/2/246/1529490},
	volume = {66},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article/66/2/246/1529490},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/PA/GSS085}}

@techreport{Rosenblatt2005,
	address = {London},
	author = {Rosenblatt, Gemma},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosenblatt - 2005 - A Year in the Life From member of public to Member of Parliament.pdf:pdf},
	institution = {Hansard Society},
	isbn = {0900432586},
	title = {{A Year in the Life: From member of public to Member of Parliament}},
	url = {www.hansardsociety.org.uk},
	year = {2005},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {www.hansardsociety.org.uk}}

@book{Ban2018,
	author = {Ban, Pamela and Grimmer, Justin and Kaslovsky, Jaclyn and West, Emily},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ban et al. - 2018 - A Woman's Voice in the House Gender Composition and its Consequences in Committee Hearings.pdf:pdf},
	publisher = {Working Paper},
	title = {{A Woman's Voice in the House: Gender Composition and its Consequences in Committee Hearings}},
	year = {2018}}

@article{Rosenthal1997,
	abstract = {Analysis of survey data from 291 state legislative committee chairs suggests that professionalization has important gender implications not previously explored. Legislatures are gendered in the sense that culturally masculine and feminine cwnmittee management styles are more at home in some legislatures than in others. "Citizen" legislatures seem to be more hospitable to "feminine" behaviors of inclusion and a motivation focused on people-oriented concerns. Professionalized legislatures-promoted in large part on the basis of a masculine vocabulary of independence, rationality, expertise, and competition with the executive-discourage inclusive or collegial committee strategies and public-minded motives. Professional legislatures may be positive environments in which to nurture policy leadership, but their committee leaders eschew public participation.},
	author = {Rosenthal, Cindy Simon},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosenthal - 1997 - A View of Their Own Women's Committee Leadership Styles and State Legislatures.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Policy Studies Journal},
	number = {4},
	pages = {585--600},
	title = {{A View of Their Own: Women's Committee Leadership Styles and State Legislatures}},
	volume = {25},
	year = {1997}}

@article{Ditonto2017,
	abstract = {This study seeks to determine whether subjects in two dynamic process tracing experiments react differently to information related to a candidate's competence when that candidate is a woman, vs. when he is a man. I find that subjects evaluate a candidate whose competence is in doubt less favorably, and are less likely to vote for the candidate, when she is a woman. In general, evaluations of women seem to be influenced much more by information related to their competence than are evaluations of men. I also find that competence as portrayed by the composition of a candidate's facial features does not alter this relationship. My findings suggest that gender-based stereotypes may have an indirect effect on candidate evaluations and vote choice by influencing how voters react to information about them.},
	author = {Ditonto, Tessa},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1007/s11109-016-9357-5},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ditonto - 2017 - A High Bar or a Double Standard Gender, Competence, and Information in Political Campaigns.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Behavior},
	pages = {301--325},
	title = {{A High Bar or a Double Standard? Gender, Competence, and Information in Political Campaigns}},
	volume = {39},
	year = {2017},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s11109-016-9357-5}}

@article{Huang2020,
	abstract = {We consider evidence for the assertion that backbench members of parliament (MPs) in the UK have become less distinctive from one another in terms of their speech. Noting that this claim has considerable normative and substantive implications, we review theory and findings in the area, which are ultimately ambiguous on this question. We then provide a new statistical model of distinctiveness that extends traditional eeorts to statistically characterize the "style" of authors and apply it to a corpus of Hansard speeches from mmmm to oooo. In the aggregate, we find no evidence for the claim of more homogeneity. But this hides intriguing covariate eeects: at the MP-level, panel regression results demonstrate that on average, more senior backbenchers tend to be less "diierent" in speech terms. We also show, however, that this pattern is changing: in recent times, it is more experienced MPs who speak most distinctively.},
	author = {Huang, Leslie and Perry, Patrick O. and Spirling, Arthur},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.49},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huang, Perry, Spirling - 2020 - A General Model of Author Style with Application to the UK House of Commons, 1935-2018.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {House of Commons,regression,stylometry,text as data},
	publisher = {Forthcoming},
	title = {{A General Model of Author "Style" with Application to the UK House of Commons, 1935-2018}},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.49}}

@article{Huang2020a,
	abstract = {We consider evidence for the assertion that backbench members of parliament (MPs) in the UK have become less distinctive from one another in terms of their speech. Noting that this claim has considerable normative and substantive implications, we review theory and findings in the area, which are ultimately ambiguous on this question. We then provide a new statistical model of distinctiveness that extends traditional efforts to statistically characterize the style of authors and apply it to a corpus of Hansard speeches from 1935 to 2018. In the aggregate, we find no evidence for the claim of more homogeneity. But this hides intriguing covariate effects: at the MP-level, panel regression results demonstrate that on average, more senior backbenchers tend to be less different in speech terms. We also show, however, that this pattern is changing: in recent times, it is more experienced MPs who speak most distinctively.},
	author = {Huang, Leslie and Perry, Patrick O. and Spirling, Arthur},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1017/pan.2019.49},
	file = {::},
	issn = {14764989},
	journal = {Political Analysis},
	keywords = {House of Commons,regression,stylometry,text as data},
	number = {3},
	pages = {412--434},
	title = {{A General Model of Author Style with Application to the UK House of Commons, 1935-2018}},
	volume = {28},
	year = {2020},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.49}}

@article{Banwart2005,
	abstract = {Throughout the literature much of the research on political campaign debates has focused on presidential debates and has largely ignored non-presidential debates, particularly those featuring candidates competing in mixed-gender races. The purpose of this study is to draw attention to these non-presidential debates and particularly those in which gender may play a pivotal role. Through our analysis of four debates---two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates---we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 353) ``Through our analysis of four debates---two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates---we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 354) Values of lower than presidential level debate analysis: ``For example, below the presidential level female candidates are seeking---and being elected to--- public office in greater numbers; and, these candidates engage frequently in campaign debates, most often with a male opponent.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women's verbal communication, also referred to as ``feminine language'' (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997), is considered a way in which relationships can be established and maintained (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Tannen, 1990; Wood, 1994), promoting such feelings of understanding, equality, support, closeness, and inclusivity.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women's style is also personal, consisting of ``details, personal disclosures, anecdotes, and concrete reasoning'' (Wood, 1994, p. 142), and incorporates the use of hedges, tag questions, and adjective and adverb qualifiers (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Wood, 1994).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Men's verbal communication is considered a tool for establishing control and status (Tannen, 1990; Wood, 1994), including more assertions than questions and a focus on goals/tasks (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Wood, 1994). Men may interrupt to establish dominance, speak more abstractly, indicate little sympathy (Wood, 1994), and use non-standard speech for emphasis (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997), but will rarely use qualifiers (Bate {\&} Bowker, 1997; Wood, 1994).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 355) ``Campbell (1989) has advanced a model of rhetoric grounded in women's lived experiences. Developed through analysis of the rhetorical strategies employed by nineteenth-century female American rhetors, Campbell described the ``feminine style'' as rhetoric ``that displays a personal tone, uses personal experiences, anecdotes and examples as evidence, exhibits inductive structure, emphasizes audience participation, and encourages identification between speaker and audience'' (p. 13).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Blankenship and Robson (1995), examining various speeches and utterances of a number of contemporary female political leaders, also described a feminine style in political discourse very similar to Campbell's model.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Dow and Tonn (1993) applied Campbell's model of feminine style to the rhetoric of Ann Richards, finding that the Texas Governor's speeches were characterized largely by ``use of narrative, concrete examples, analogies, and anecdotes as primary evidence sources; personal tone and encouragement of audience participation with an alternative political philosophy reflecting feminine ideals of care, nurturance, and family relationship'' (p. 289).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Importantly, Campbell points out that although the feminine style emerged from the rhetoric and experiences of women, ``it was not and is not today a style exclusive to women, either as speakers or as audiences'' (p. 12). The ability for males, as well as females, to adopt a feminine style is developed more fully by Jamieson (1995) who argues that the narrative structure of mediated messages may actually allow males to employ the feminine style more successfully.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Edelsky and Adams (1990) studied six mixed-gender state and local debates and found clear differences between male and female candidates' communication patterns as ``men got better treatment (safer turn spaces, extra turns, more follow-ups on their topics) and they took control of more resources (more time for their positions, and more of the `aggressive' speaking)'' (p. 186).''
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Thus, the categories included: use of negative attacks, types of appeals used (logical, emotional, source credibility), structure of appeals used (inductive, deductive), content of appeals, emphasis of message (focus on issues, candidate image, campaign strategy), character traits emphasized, issues emphasized, use of ``incumbent'' and ``challenger'' strategies, and use of ``feminine'' and ``masculine'' strategies.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 360) Looked at the types of attacks -- direct against opponent, direct against another politician, direct against another party, indirect against government/other parties, indirect/implicit attack without specific mention of the object of the attack 
{\textperiodcentered}      Types of attack included -- personal characteristics, issues stands/consistency of opponent, opponent's group affiliations/associations, opponent's backgrounds/qualifications, opponents past positions -- ``Our results indicated no significant differences between female and male candidates' use of negative attacks in the debates.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Our second research question asked if female and male candidates would differ in the types of appeals used in their debate responses. To answer this question we compared female and male candidates on the type of appeals used (logical, emotional, source credibility), use of fear appeals, appeal structure (inductive, deductive), and content of appeal (partisan, issue-related, personal characteristics, link with demo- graphic groups). Again, our results indicated no significant differences in the use of appeals by female and male candidates in their debate responses.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The third research question asked if female and male candidates would differ in the types of issues emphasized. First, the segment was coded for whether it emphasized issues, images, or campaign strategy. Our results indicated no significant differences in the dominant emphasis of the debate segments; both female and male candidates emphasized issues (females: 69, 82{\%}; males 68, 82{\%}) over candidate images (females: 9, 11{\%}; males: 7, 8{\%}) or campaign strategies (females: 6, 7{\%}; males: 8, 10{\%}) in their debate segments. The debate segments were then analyzed for the presence of specific issue discussion. While the candidates talked predominantly about taxes (females: 31, 37{\%}; males: 29, 35{\%}), the economy (females: 24, 29{\%}; males: 27, 33{\%}), and education (females: 26, 31{\%}; males: 23, 28{\%}), they did not talk about any issues at significantly different levels.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 361) ``The fifth and sixth research questions asked whether female and male candidates would differ in the type of strategies used in their responses. To answer these questions the debate responses were analyzed for the use of incumbency and challenger strategies and for the use of feminine and masculine strategies. No significant differences emerged between the candidates' use of incumbent and challenger strategies; also, no significant differences emerged between the candidates' use of feminine and masculine strategies.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In their use of incumbent and challenger strategies included in their debate responses, female Republicans (13, 32{\%}) were more likely to stress their own accomplishments than were male Democrats (5, 13{\%}), $\chi$2(1, N = 81) = 4.32, p = .038. When examining the use of feminine and masculine strategies, female Republicans (16, 39{\%}) were more likely to use anecdotes as evidence, a feminine strategy, than were male Democrats (6, 15{\%}),$\chi$2(1, N = 81) = 5.91, p = .015.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 363) ``Our findings indicated no differences when comparing overall female and male debatestyles. Slight differences were found both by party affiliation and level of office, although female and male candidate debatestyles are predominantly similar when compared within these race descriptives. Even with very few differences emerging, we argue these results are both informative and an important addition to the study of gender and politics.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In short, it appears that female candidates incorporate typically masculine attributes into their debate dialogue just as frequently as their male opponents, and male candidates incorporate typically feminine attributes in their debate dialogue just as frequently as their female opponents. Thus, we propose that when female and male candidates meet face-to-face on the debate stage, both seem mindful of gendered stereotypes and approach their debate task by generating a dialogue of gendered adaptiveness.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 370) ``While the results of this study suggest there are far more similarities in female and male candidate debatestyles, it does present important findings. The study demonstrates that a certain communication style is apparent in political campaign debates between female and male candidates. Importantly, although the typical clash and aggressive nature of a debate might suggest this is a forum in which female candidates must adjust and orient themselves to an entirely different manner of communicating, we in fact have found that a certain gendered adaptiveness occurs in campaign debates for both female and male candidates. In other words, not one specific typology---masculine or feminine---seems to dominate.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``For instance, while female and male candidates use logical appeals and a deductive structure of reasoning, they discuss stereotypically masculine and feminine issues at almost identical frequencies. Although masculine character traits (e.g., aggressiveness) are much more frequently emphasized by both female and male candidates than are feminine character traits, both female and male candidates develop their debate responses by using feminine communication strategies (e.g., use of personal tone) more frequently than masculine communication strategies.''},
	author = {Banwart, Mary Christine and McKinney, Mitchell S.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/10510970500319443},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Banwart, McKinney - 2005 - A Gendered Influence in Campaign Debates Analysis of Mixed-gender United States Senate and Gubernatorial D(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Communication Studies},
	number = {4},
	pages = {353--373},
	title = {{A Gendered Influence in Campaign Debates? Analysis of Mixed-gender United States Senate and Gubernatorial Debates}},
	volume = {56},
	year = {2005},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10510970500319443}}

@article{Fox2012,
	abstract = {In the aftermath of the parliamentary expenses scandal, 232 new MPs were elected to the Westminster Parliament in May 2010: the largest turnover of Members since the Second World War. 1 The unique nature of the election and its aftermath presented both great opportunities and real challenges for the orientation, induction and continuous professional development of new Members. 2 This paper explores how the House of Commons sought to respond to those challenges and opportunities. It examines what support was made available to new Members by House of Commons officials, the new Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority, as well as outside bodies, including the Hansard Society, in the months immediately after the election. It assesses the success of this provision and what lessons can be learnt from Westminster's experience for the future. 1. A year in the life: from member of public to Member of Parliament Following the 2005 general election, the Hansard Society spent 12 months monitoring the newly elected MPs as they settled into their role and shaped 1 This 232 figure includes five Members who had previously been elected but who had lost their seats at the 2005 general election. 2 The phrases orientation and induction are often used interchangeably in some research studies and indeed by the House of Commons Service itself in the planning of its work. For the purposes of this study we have therefore sought, in the interests of clarity, to distinguish between the two terms. Orientation is used here to refer to the basic introductory information, support and services provided in the first week following the general election. The term induction incorporates the support and services provided from week two of the new Parliament onwards and includes the structured programme of briefing sessions as well as the more individually tailored training and development opportunities provided by House of Commons officials.},
	author = {Fox, Ruth and Korris, Matt},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/pa/gss014},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fox, Korris - 2012 - A Fresh Start The Orientation and Induction of New MPs at Westminster Following the 2010 General Election.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	pages = {559--575},
	title = {{A Fresh Start? The Orientation and Induction of New MPs at Westminster Following the 2010 General Election}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/65/3/559/1438367},
	volume = {65},
	year = {2012},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/pa/article-abstract/65/3/559/1438367},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gss014}}

@article{Blaxill2016,
	abstract = {In 1919, Nancy Astor took her seat in the House of Commons as Britain's first ever female MP. In the 1945 election, the number of women in the house nearly trebled to twenty-four, and remained around this level for the next four decades. In Tony Blair's landslide victory in 1997, 120 female MPs were returned, and women have since comprised around 20 per cent of the Commons. The 2015 election saw 191 elected: the most ever. But to what extent has the increasing presence of women in Parliament made more than a symbolic difference? For example, have female MPs represented a hitherto marginalized 'women's interest', placed 'women's issues' on the agenda, or added a feminine perspective to existing discussion? Using 677 million words of digitized parliamentary speech, and drawing upon the outputs of the Digging into Linked Parliamentary Data ('Dilipad') project, we perform a wide-ranging empirical analysis of the role of gender in Commons debates from 1945 using computerized text mining. We make three major discoveries. The first is that there is strong evidence to support the central feminist claim that women's contributions to debates over these eight decades have been substantively different to those of male colleagues in ways that stretch beyond a greater attentiveness to gender itself. The second is that this effect has been weakening as the number of women in Parliament increased, most notably from the landmark 1997 election. Finally, we question the oft-made claim by scholars and politicians that, since the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979, the Labour party has more consistently focussed on representing women in Parliament than the Conservatives.},
	annote = {From Duplicate 1 (A Feminized Language of Democracy? The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945 - Blaxill, Luke; Beelen, Kaspar)

{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 417) ``The third area is concerned with parliamentary style and space, and women's propensity to exhibit more consensual and pragmatic strategies based on brokering deals, which in Britain have been neutered by the persistence of the Commons' masculinized and adversarial `yah-boo' and `Punch and Judy' culture.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 418) ``While these various research questions continue to energize historians and political scientists, a key underlying debate---to which all have directly or indirectly contributed---is simply whether women have exhibited a systematic propensity to practise politics differently from men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In the context of Parliament, it would be fair to say that the vast majority of works emphasize gender difference more than similarity.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Harman's view that Labour women MPs had successfully embodied an emergent new feminism is supported by the influential works of Sarah Childs, who has argued in several publications that the 101 Labour women elected in 1997 (popularly dubbed `Blair's babes')25 had substantively represented women in the House by introducing a feminine perspective into debates, adding women's issues (such as the removal of VAT on sanitary products) to the agenda, and adopted a feminized political style which eschewed traditional masculine confrontational approaches.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 431) ``Figure 4's results are immediately striking. There are two words which are used more often by women in all seventeen parliaments, five that fit this description for sixteen parliaments, and eight that fit it for fifteen. Amongst men, there are just two words (`argument' and `force') which appear more often in fourteen parliaments, and none for fifteen, sixteen or seventeen, meaning that women have nineteen strong gender markers in the space where men have two.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 440) ``or Childs, part of the feminized political style of new Labour's women was a focus on `behind the scenes' parliamentary business, constituency casework, and to eschew rebellion and grandstanding in the chamber.''

From Duplicate 2 (A Feminized Language of Democracy? The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945 - Blaxill, Luke; Beelen, Kaspar)

{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 417) ``The third area is concerned with parliamentary style and space, and women's propensity to exhibit more consensual and pragmatic strategies based on brokering deals, which in Britain have been neutered by the persistence of the Commons' masculinized and adversarial `yah-boo' and `Punch and Judy' culture.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 418) ``While these various research questions continue to energize historians and political scientists, a key underlying debate---to which all have directly or indirectly contributed---is simply whether women have exhibited a systematic propensity to practise politics differently from men.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In the context of Parliament, it would be fair to say that the vast majority of works emphasize gender difference more than similarity.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Harman's view that Labour women MPs had successfully embodied an emergent new feminism is supported by the influential works of Sarah Childs, who has argued in several publications that the 101 Labour women elected in 1997 (popularly dubbed `Blair's babes')25 had substantively represented women in the House by introducing a feminine perspective into debates, adding women's issues (such as the removal of VAT on sanitary products) to the agenda, and adopted a feminized political style which eschewed traditional masculine confrontational approaches.'' (p. 431) ``Figure 4's results are immediately striking. There are two words which are used more often by women in all seventeen parliaments, five that fit this description for sixteen parliaments, and eight that fit it for fifteen. Amongst men, there are just two words (`argument' and `force') which appear more often in fourteen parliaments, and none for fifteen, sixteen or seventeen, meaning that women have nineteen strong gender markers in the space where men have two.''
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 440) ``or Childs, part of the feminized political style of new Labour's women was a focus on `behind the scenes' parliamentary business, constituency casework, and to eschew rebellion and grandstanding in the chamber.''},
	author = {Blaxill, Luke and Beelen, Kaspar},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1093/tcbh/hww028},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blaxill, Beelen - 2016 - A Feminized Language of Democracy The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945.pdf:pdf;:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blaxill, Beelen - 2016 - A Feminized Language of Democracy The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Twentieth Century British History},
	number = {3},
	pages = {412--449},
	title = {{A Feminized Language of Democracy? The Representation of Women at Westminster since 1945}},
	url = {https://academic.oup.com/tcbh/article-abstract/27/3/412/2451967},
	volume = {27},
	year = {2016},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://academic.oup.com/tcbh/article-abstract/27/3/412/2451967},
	Bdsk-Url-2 = {https://doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hww028}}

@article{Childs2004,
	abstract = {One hundred and one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election. Constituting 24 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a `tilted group' and in a position to effect change. Drawing on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, this article establishes that many of them believe that women politicians practise politics in a feminised way. This claim is, however, premised upon gender rather than sex differences and party identity is also identified as an important determinant. The women MPs' perception that women's style is less legitimate than men's is explored through a discussion of the newly elected Labour women MPs' loyalty in parliamentary votes.},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 3) ``One hundred and one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Constituting 24 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a `titled group' and in a position to effect change'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      article draws on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Contention that women practise politics in a different way to men is widely held'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Norris 1996, 93: women `introduce a kinder, gentler politics'; `characterised by co-operation rather than conflict, collaboration rather than hierarchy, honesty rather than sleaze' 
SOURCE: Norris, P. (1996), ``Women politicians: transforming Westminster?'', in J. Lovenduski and P. Norris (eds.), Women in Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 91-104. 
{\textperiodcentered}      Bochel and Briggs 2000, 66-67: women politicians `are more willing to listen to the other side'; `are less adversarial [and] better team players' 
SOURCE: Bochel, C. and Briggs, J. (2000), ``Do women make a difference'', Politics, 20(2), pp. 63-68. 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 4) ``It is also important to explore the women MPs' perceptions of the style of politics because it provides insights into the question of whether the presence of women politicians makes a difference'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``One women reach `critical mass', `political behaviour, institutions, and public policy' will be feminised (Studlar and McAllister 2002: 234)'' 
SOURCE: Studlar, D. T. and McAllister, I. (2002), ``Does a critical mass exist? A comparative analysis of women's legislative representation since 1950'', European Journal of Political Research 41(2), p. 233-253. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Rosabeth Moss Kanter's classic typology outlines four different kinds of groups: the uniform group has `only one significant social group and its culture dominates the organisations'; in the skewed group, the minority constitutes a maximum of 15 per cent and is `controlled by the dominant group and its culture' while the minority are `tokens'; in the tilted group, where the minority is between 15 and 40 per cent, `the minority is becoming strong enough to begin to influence the culture of the group'; in the balanced group with ratios of 60:40 down to 50:50 the culture and interaction reflect the balanced nature of the group (Dahlerup 1988: 280; Lovenduski 2001)'' 
SOURCE: Dahlerup, D. (1988), ``From a small to a large minority: women in Scandinavian politics'', Scandinavian Political Studies, 11(4), pp. 275-298. 
SOURCE: Lovenduski, J. (2001), ``Women and politics: minority representation or critical mass?'', in P. Norris (ed.), Britain Votes 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press), pp. 179-184. 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 5) ``Moreover, because critical mass simply counts the numbers of biological females and males present it fails to acknowledge the importance of party differences'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The claim that women have a different style of politics is one of the arguments employed in support of women's greater numerical representation'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Feminised style: `less combative and aggressive style'; `don't do as much standing up, shouting on the floor of the House'; women are more `measured'; belief that ``women operated not as individuals, but as part of teams'' -- `important for politicians to recognise they don't achieve things on their own' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women MPs also claimed they spoke in a different language (Karvonen et al. 1995). Women are `not prone to political babble [and] jargon', their language is one that `everybody understands''' 
SOURCE: Karnonen, L., Djupsund, G. and Carlson, T. (1995), ``Political language'', in L. Karvonen and P. Selle (eds), Women in Nordic Politics (Aldershot: Dartmouth) pp. 343-379. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Many of the new Labour women MPs were also critical of the style practised by male MPs.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      Commons: `old boys club', `boys prep school' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 6) ``Other criticisms included the theatricality of the chamber, it's childishness, inefficiency, and that it is negatively perceived by the electorate'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Another MP bluntly stated that it was populated by a `bunch of wankers''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In terms of a different language, male MPs were identified as having a tendency towards repetition -- `men always do want to say it again''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Three women MPs argued that whilst the 1997 numbers were an improvement upon previous parliaments, there was still an insufficient number of women MPs to effect considerable change'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 7) Possibly a generational thing: younger men `equally shocked' by the norms of behaviour in the House 
{\textperiodcentered}      Party politics matters: ``such behaviour might indicate a more co-operative, consensual and less adversarial style of politics 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``In contrast, the women MPs' responses suggested that greater co-operation with Conservative women was not likely even if there were greater numbers of them. Emphasis was placed on the Conservative party as an institution. Not only are Conservative women MPs in a minority in their party but also the party is regarded as ideologically hostile to feminist perspectives'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 8) `I feel quite sad for the Tory women{\ldots} because in order to survive they've really had to capitulate most of their{\ldots} femininity they've had to join the male agenda, live it, breathe it and now they are it, which is really sad'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Thus the Conservative party is, at least according to these Labour women MPs, an unsafe environment for its women MPs that restricts their behaviour'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``It is the particular configuration of their gender and party identities that prevents cross-party co-operation between women MPs at this time'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``This insight suggests that in the future, as the party and gender identities of Conservative women MPs change, some Conservative women MPs might adopt a more feminised style of politics (and may act for women)'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Though many of the women MPs who participated in this research clearly supported the contention that women have a different style of politics, a number of them suggested that the dominant style of the House was not conducive to women acting in a feminised way'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      `the culture here is very strong{\ldots} you really have to learn to operate within it or you are lost'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 9) ``Older, `successful' women MPs were regarded as employing the traditional masculinised style and were perceived as `male' 
  
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 10) ``Where women's style of politics is less valued and less effective, women politicians face the choice between either adopting the male `game playing' (assimilation) or `standing out against it' (resistance) (King 1995: 67) 
SOURCE: King, C. S. (1995), ``Sex-role identity and decision-styles: how gender helps explain the paucity of women at the top'', in G. Duerst-Lahti and R. M. Kelly (eds.), Gender Power, Leadership and Governance (Ann Arber, Michigan: The University of Michigan Press), pp. 67-92. 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Thus, how women `do' politics is a determinant of women's substantive representation; in order for women MPs to act for women they may need to act like men even though observations that women are `turned off' by `ya-boo' politics suggests women MPs should act `like women''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 11) ``Even if women politicians choose to adopt the masculinised norms their ability to `master' them is open to question. This is because while women are forced to step outside their gender in terms of the norms of female behaviour in order to meet the norms of political behaviour, they cannot quite adopt the masculine style because they remain peculiarly gendered.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``When probed about the notion that women's numerical representation may be negatively affected because of how Prime Minister's Questions is represented and perceived, she replied that there was a responsibility for women MPs to say to women who might seek selection that, `you don't have to be afraid''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 13) ``the new Labour women MPs perceived, then, that they are engaged in `doing politics differently', not adopting a `macho' approach, nor `rubbishing' or `trashing' people publicly.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 14) ``Many of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in 1997 believe that women politicians have a different style of politics'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Women, they claimed, are less combative and aggressive, more collaborative and speak in a different language compared to men'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Many of the Labour women MPs considered that the House of Commons was not conducive to women acting in a feminised way'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Increased numbers of women politicians may not, then, guarantee a feminised style of politics, as the concept of critical mass suggests. This is because critical mass relies simply on the counting of biological females to explain the difference women make in politics''},
	author = {Childs, Sarah},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00124.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Childs - 2004 - A Feminised Style of Politics Women MPs in the House of Commons.pdf:pdf},
	isbn = {1369-1481},
	issn = {1369-1481},
	journal = {British Journal of Politics and International Relations},
	pages = {3--19},
	title = {{A Feminised Style of Politics? Women MPs in the House of Commons}},
	volume = {6},
	year = {2004},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856X.2004.00124.x}}

@article{Blankenship1995,
	abstract = {This essay asks, "Is there a 'feminine style' in women's political discourse?" If so, "What are its features?" We argue that it does exist and is gaining legitimacy through its use by both women and men in positions of power. Further, we identify five characteristics of the "feminine style." These include: basing political judgments on concrete, lived experience; valuing inclusivity and the relational nature of being; conceptualizing the power of public office as a capacity to "get things done" and to empower others; approaching policy formation holistically; and, moving women's issues to the forefront of the public arena},
	annote = {{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 353) ``Based on our research, we believe a feminine style not only exists, but its legitimation is expanding through its use by both women and men in positions of power.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Among our sample of Congresswomen, we include a Caucasian who was once a "welfare mother"; an African- American former "domestic servant" who was elected at age 66; and at least three, including an Hispanic, who were raised in upper-middle or upper class homes.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 356) ``Feminine. We use the term "feminine" rather than the alternatives "women's" or "female" because we are talking about the social construction of gender rather than mere biological difference.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Style? "Style," here, is not viewed as "mere" language, as a "cosmetic," or as "technique," in the narrow sense of that word. "Far from being intellectually peripheral ornament," style is what Ohmann (1962) calls a revelation of epistemic stance: `The very many decisions that add up to a style are decisions about what to say, as well as how to say it. They reflect the [speaker's] organization of experience, [her] sense of life. (pp. xii-xiii)''' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Or, as Hymes suggests, style is "a system of coherent ways or patterns of doing things" (Hymes, 1960, p. 109).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 357) ``Feminine style. "Feminine style," the focus of this essay, is comprised of the dimensions of discourse which may reveal or point to epistemic stances which we discover in the public political discourse of women. We do not claim that the feminine style is the exclusive domain of women; nor do we claim that the masculine style is the exclusive domain of men. Many men can and do utilize these characteristics to varying degrees, as we will demonstrate later.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``Our analysis centers specifically on the public policy discourse, processes, and outcomes of governance. Our data base was selected from a larger body of women's discourse collected while teaching classes focusing wholly or in part on women's communication and our research relating to that communication. Our primary data base for this essay was constituted by narrowing that larger body according to several criteria. The discourse to be included was public policy discourse, either oral or written, occurring between 1990 and 1994 in a variety of settings, including speeches, debates, interviews, and televised Congressional Hearings.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      ``The principle sources for our primary and secondary data bases were the Congressional Record and C-SPAN, but significant contributions were also drawn from scholarly literature and popular journals quoting political women and contemporary histories written by women engaged in campaigns and governance.'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 358) ``We share two fundamental assumptions with Campbell (1989): that the feminine style, while not grounded in biological difference, does grow out of women's experiences, and that feminine style is not "a style exclusive to women" (p. 12).'' 
{\textperiodcentered}      (p. 359) 
1.     Basing political judgments on concrete, lived experience. 
``A small body of research, considerable anecdotal evidence, and our own analysis supports the inclusion of this feature in the feminine style. We attribute this feature to the movement of women and their issues from the private to the public sphere, as evidenced in discourse about domestic violence as well as other subjects. USA Today reporter Jessica Lee (1993) observes that "the stories women tell personalize the [public policy] debate . . . and broaden the viewpoints from which laws are crafted" (p. 2A). For example, Congresswoman Marge Roukema (R-NJ) references the private in a public context in discussing family leave legislation: 
Families are thrown into crisis when serious illness strikes. I know. . . . When my son Todd was stricken with leukemia and needed home care, I was free to remain at home. But what about the millions of mothers who work? (Lee, 1993, p. 1A)'' 
2. Valuing inclusivity and the relational nature of being. 
3. Conceptualizing the power of public office as a capacity to "get things done" and 
to empower others. 
4. Approaching policy formation holistically. 
5. Moving women's issues to the forefront of the public arena.},
	author = {Blankenship, Jane and Robson, Deborah C.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1080/01463379509369982},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blankenship, Robson - 1995 - A 'feminine style' in women's political discourse An exploratory essay(2).pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Communication Quarterly},
	number = {3},
	pages = {353--366},
	title = {{A 'feminine style'; in women's political discourse: An exploratory essay}},
	volume = {43},
	year = {1995},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01463379509369982}}

@article{Frimer2015,
	abstract = {Talking about helping others makes a person seem warm and leads to social approval. This work examines the real world consequences of this basic, social-cognitive phenomenon by examining whether record-low levels of public approval of the US Congress may, in part, be a product of declining use of prosocial language during Congressional debates. A text analysis of all 124 million words spoken in the House of Representatives between 1996 and 2014 found that declining levels of prosocial language strongly predicted public disapproval of Congress 6 mo later. Warm, prosocial language still predicted public approval when removing the effects of societal and global factors (e.g., the September 11 attacks) and Congressional efficacy (e.g., passing bills), suggesting that prosocial language has an independent, direct effect on social approval. US Congress | language | impression formation | public approval | LIWC A s recently as 2002, public approval of Congress was reliably over 50{\%} and as high as 84{\%}. In late 2013, though, public approval reached an all-time low, with less than 10{\%} of Amer-icans expressing support (1). What caused this dramatic decline in public approval in just over a decade? One explanation is that the public held Congress responsible for societal and global problems (e.g., a weak economy) (2, 3). A second explanation is that the public disapproves of ineffective governance. For example, public approval of Congress tends to drop when Republicans and Democrats are polarized against one another and when Congress conflicts with the President (4, 5). We test a third explanation that has less to do with action and more to do with talk (6). We suggest that recent public disapproval partly resulted from the disappearance of warm, prosocial language in Congressional discourse. Previous experimental research has shown that presenting a warm and prosocial demeanor increases social approval (7). People reveal a wealth of information about their feelings and intentions through verbal communication (8-10). The speaker's underlying motives notwithstanding, talking about helping others makes positive impressions upon an audience (11). We investigated whether this well-documented finding can explain public perceptions of Congress. Specifically, we asked whether the recent rise of public disapproval of Congress is predicted by declining prosocial language of elected representatives. To measure prosocial language, we computer analyzed all 123,927,807 words spoken in session of the US House of Representatives between 1996 and 2014. Our approach was to look for linguistic markers of prosocial language; we used content analysis software (12) to calculate the proportion of words in the target text that matched entries in a validated dictionary of prosocial words (13). We then compared levels of prosocial language within each month of Congress with their approval ratings by the American public (14) and found a striking match. Fig. 1 shows that levels of prosocial language and the public's approval followed the same trajectory between 1996 and 2014, r(204) = 0.55, P {\textless} 0.001. Notably, the language of both Democrats, r(204) = 0.53, P {\textless} 0.001, and Republicans, r(204) = 0.54, P {\textless} 0.001, predicted the public's approval of Congress. Public approval peaked in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, declined over the next 7 y, rose slightly in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, and then declined again. Prosocial language followed a nearly identical trajectory. In the years spanning 2002 and 2014, a small (19{\%}) decrease in prosocial language ushered in a large (75{\%}) decrease in public approval. The individual words whose use most strongly predicted public approval were as follows: gentle, involve, educate, contribute, concerned, give, tolerate , trust, and cooperate. The correlation between prosocial language and public approval does not necessarily imply that representatives' language caused the public to approve of them. The reverse could be true: The public's approval could cause changes in the topics that representatives raised. If one variable were causing the other, the causal factor would have changed first and the effected factor second. We tested which variable changed first in time by assessing the association between prosocial language in the present and public approval with time lags of up to 50 mo in the past and future (Fig. 2). The distribution of the associations across the time lags nearly perfectly fitted a normal distribution curve, r(98) = 0.97, P {\textless} 0.001. The maximum association between prosocial language and public approval was at +6.7 mo, meaning that what Congress says today best predicts their public approval ratings 29 wk into the future. Another concern with the present data is the possibility that some exogenous factor (e.g., the September 11 attacks) caused changes in both language and public approval. We reasoned that, if operative, societal and global factors would also have influenced the US President's language and/or the economy. Alternatively, dysfunctional governance may cause both politicians' rhetoric to be less civil and the public to disapprove (SI Text and Table S1). To test Significance Past laboratory research has shown that talking about helping others can make a positive impression upon a listener. We tested whether this basic social-cognitive phenomenon can help explain how governments gain the confidence of the public they serve. A computerized text analysis of the debates of the US Congress over the past 20 y found that the density of prosocial language strongly predicted public approval ratings 6 mo later. These results suggest that both individuals and governments can gain social approval by merely talking about cooperating and about helping others.},
	author = {Frimer, Jeremy A. and Aquino, Karl and Gebauer, Jochen E. and Zhu, Luke (Lei) and Oakes, Harrison},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1073/pnas.1500355112},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Frimer et al. - 2015 - A Decline in Prosocial Language Helps Explain Public Disapproval of the US Congress.pdf:pdf},
	journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
	number = {21},
	pages = {6591--6594},
	publisher = {PNAS},
	title = {{A Decline in Prosocial Language Helps Explain Public Disapproval of the US Congress.}},
	volume = {112},
	year = {2015},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1500355112}}

@article{Jivani2011,
	abstract = {Ant colonies have been observed to perform tasks similar to clustering. This observa- tion is the inspiration for ant based cluster- ing algorithms, which simulate this behavior on data. This paper investigates the per- formance of a particular ant clustering al- gorithm, coined ACLUSTER16, against an- other, named ATTA9, under the measures and datasets proposed by Handl et al.9. Based on performance results of both algorithms gath- ered from numerous runs, the results indicate weaknesses in the design of ACLUSTER, which are not present in ATTA. ACLUSTER is un- able to generate a useful clustering, since it fails to reliably join fragments of homogeneous samples into single compact clouds, as well as to enforce spatial separation of those. On the other hand, ATTAs performance is certainly striking.},
	annote = {Read this again if making decisions about different kinds of stemmers.},
	author = {Jivani, Anjali G.},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jivani - 2011 - A Comparative Study of Stemming Algorithms.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {2229-6093},
	journal = {International Journal of Computer Technology and Applications},
	keywords = {DOAJ:Computer Science,DOAJ:Technology and Engineering,Electronic computers. Computer science,IR,Instruments and machines,Mathematics,NLP,Q,QA1-939,QA71-90,QA75.5-76.95,Science,stemming,suffix,text mining},
	number = {06},
	pages = {1930--1938},
	title = {{A Comparative Study of Stemming Algorithms}},
	volume = {02},
	year = {2011}}

@misc{Graham2019,
	author = {Graham, James},
	booktitle = {The Observer},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	title = {{30 years of televised parliament: how Westminster became mainstream entertainment}},
	url = {https://tinyurl.com/yzdg7kud},
	year = {2019},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://tinyurl.com/yzdg7kud}}

@article{Atkins2013,
	abstract = {In this article we demonstrate the application of rhetorical political analysis in the study of political communication and political ideas and ideologies. Taking the rhetorical use of anecdotes as a case study, we find that their use by mainstream party leaders in Britain has proliferated markedly since the mid-1990s. Drawing on examples from speeches by leaders of all three main parties, we show how these stories are employed as a form of argumentative proof that relies significantly on the elevation of `everyday' experience and knowledge above expert or technical knowledge. We argue that this reflects a more general `valorisation of lay knowledge' and, moreover, that it is indicative of a form of populist ideology.},
	author = {Atkins, Judi and Finlayson, Alan},
	date-added = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	date-modified = {2021-03-02 11:10:20 +0000},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00953.x},
	file = {:Users/lotte/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Atkins, Finlayson - 2013 - '... A 40-Year-Old Black Man Made the Point to Me' Everyday Knowledge and the Performance of Leadership in Co.pdf:pdf},
	issn = {00323217},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	keywords = {Anecdotes,British politics,Leadership,Methodology,Rhetorical political analysis},
	number = {1},
	pages = {161--177},
	title = {{'... A 40-Year-Old Black Man Made the Point to Me': Everyday Knowledge and the Performance of Leadership in Contemporary British Politics}},
	volume = {61},
	year = {2013},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00953.x}}
